Rudy Giuliani’s Five Big Lies About 9/11 Rudy Giuliani's Big Five Lies propos 9 / 11
On the stump, Rudy can’t help spreading smoke and ashes about his lousy record Sur la souche, Rudy ne peux m'empêcher de propagation des fumées et de cendres sur son record lousy
By Par Wayne Barrett Wayne Barrett
Nearly six years after 9/11, Rudy Giuliani is still walking through the canyons of lower Manhattan, covered in soot, pointing north, and leading the nation out of danger’s way. Près de six ans après 9 / 11, Rudy Giuliani est toujours une promenade à travers les canyons du Lower Manhattan, couverts de suie, pointe nord, et conduit la nation à l'abri du danger de la route. The Republican frontrunner is campaigning for president by evoking that visual at every campaign stop, and he apparently believes it’sa picture worth thousands of nights in the White House. Le républicain avant milite pour que le président en évoquant visuelle à chaque campagne de s'arrêter, et il estime qu'il s'agit d'un tableau apparemment une valeur de milliers de nuits à la Maison Blanche.
Giuliani has been leading the Republican pack for seven months, and predictions that the party’s evangelicals would turn on him have so far proven hollow. Giuliani a été le leader républicain pack de sept mois, et les prévisions selon lesquelles la partie évangéliques se tourner sur lui ont jusqu'ici prouvé creux. The religious right appears as gripped by the Giuliani story as the rest of the country. La droite religieuse apparaît comme en proie à l'histoire Giuliani, comme le reste du pays.
Giuliani isn’t shy about reminding audiences of those heady days. Giuliani n'a pas peur d'en rappelant les auditoires de ces jours grisants. In fact he hyperventilates about them on the stump, making his credentials in the so-called war on terror the centerpiece of his campaign. En fait, il hyperventilates à leur sujet sur le moignon, ce qui rend ses lettres de créance dans la soi-disant guerre contre le terrorisme au centre de sa campagne. His claims, meanwhile, have been met with a media deference so total that he’s taken to complimenting “the good job it is doing covering the campaign.” Opponents, too, haven’t dared to question his terror credentials, as if doing so would be an unpatriotic bow to Osama bin Laden. Ses conclusions, en attendant, ont été satisfaites avec une sorte de déférence totale médias qu'il est pris pour un compliment "le bon travail qu'elle accomplit couvrant la campagne." Les opposants, eux aussi, n'ont pas osé mettre en doute ses pouvoirs de terreur, comme si le fait Ce serait une antipatriotiques plier à Oussama ben Laden.
Here, then, is a less deferential look at the illusory cloud emanating from the former mayor’s campaign . Ici, donc, est moins déférent regarder les nuages illusoire émanant de l'ancien maire de la campagne. . .
BIG LIE1 LIE1. BIG LIE1 LIE1. ‘I think the thing that distinguishes me on terrorism is, I have more experience dealing with it.’ This pillar of the Giuliani campaign—asserted by pundits as often as it is by the man himself—is based on the idea that Rudy uniquely understands the terror threat because of his background as a prosecutor and as New York’s mayor. "Je pense que la chose qui distingue le terrorisme est sur moi, je n'ai plus eu affaire avec elle." Ce pilier de la campagne Giuliani-revendiqué par les experts aussi souvent que c'est par l'homme lui-même, est fondée sur l'idée que Rudy unique comprend De la menace terroriste à cause de ses antécédents en tant que procureur et que le maire de New York. In a July appearance at a Maryland synagogue, Giuliani sketched out his counterterrorism biography, a resume that happens to be rooted in falsehood. Dans une apparence Juillet Maryland lors d'une synagogue, Giuliani esquissé sa lutte biographie, un curriculum vitae qui se trouve être enraciné dans le mensonge.
“As United States Attorney, I investigated the Leon Klinghoffer murder by Yasir Arafat,” he told the Jewish audience, referring to the infamous 1985 slaying of a wheelchair-bound, 69-year-old New York businessman aboard the Achille Lauro , an Italian ship hijacked off the coast of Egypt by Palestinian extremists. «En tant que procureur des États-Unis, j'ai enquêté sur le meurtre de Leon Klinghoffer Yasser Arafat, at-il déclaré à l'auditoire juif, faisant référence à l'infâme meurtre 1985 d'une chaise roulante, 69 ans, homme d'affaires de New York à bord de l'Achille Lauro, un Italien Navire détourné au large des côtes de l'Égypte par les extrémistes palestiniens. “It’s honestly the reason why I knew so much about Arafat,” says Giuliani. «C'est la raison pour laquelle, honnêtement, je savais beaucoup de choses sur Arafat", dit Giuliani. “I knew, in detail, the Americans he murdered. «Je savais que, dans le détail, il a assassiné les Américains. I went over their cases.” Je suis allé sur leur cas. "
On the contrary, Victoria Toensing, the deputy assistant attorney general at the Justice Department in Washington who filed a criminal complaint in the Lauro investigation, says that no one in Giuliani’s office “was involved at all.” Jay Fischer, the Klinghoffer family attorney who spearheaded a 12-year lawsuit against the PLO, says he “never had any contact” with Giuliani or his office. Au contraire, Toensing Victoria, le sous-procureur général adjoint au ministère de la Justice à Washington, qui a déposé une plainte pénale dans l'enquête Lauro, dit que personne dans le bureau de Giuliani "a participé à tous." Jay Fischer, la famille Klinghoffer Avocat qui a dirigé une durée de 12 ans judiciaires à l'encontre de l'OLP, dit qu'il "n'a jamais eu de contact" avec Giuliani ou de son bureau. “It would boggle my mind if anyone in 1985, 1986, 1987, or thereafter conducted an investigation of this case and didn’t call me,” he adds. "Cela me demandez si quelqu'un en 1985, 1986, 1987, ou par la suite mené une enquête sur cette affaire et ne m'appellent pas", ajoute-t-il. Fischer says he did have a private dinner with Giuliani in 1992: “It was the first time we talked, and we didn’t even talk about the Klinghoffer case then.” Fischer affirme qu'il a eu un dîner privé avec Giuliani en 1992: «C'était la première fois que nous avons parlé, et nous n'avons même pas parler de l'affaire alors Klinghoffer".
The dinner was arranged by Arnold Burns, a close friend of Fischer and Giuliani who also represented the Klinghoffer family. Le dîner avait été organisé par Arnold Burns, un ami proche de Fischer et Giuliani, qui a également représenté le Klinghoffer famille. Burns, who was also the finance chair of Giuliani’s mayoral campaign, was the deputy US attorney general in 1985 and oversaw the probe. Burns, qui était également le président de la finance Giuliani, maire de la campagne, a été le procureur général adjoint des États-Unis en 1985 et a supervisé la sonde. “I know of nothing Rudy did in any shape or form on the Klinghoffer case,” he says. «Je sais de Rudy n'a en rien quelque forme que ce soit sur l'affaire Klinghoffer", dit-il.
Though Giuliani told the Conservative Political Action conference in March that he “prosecuted a lot of crime—a little bit of terrorism, but mostly organized crime,” he actually worked only one major terrorism case as US Attorney, indicting 10 arms dealers for selling $2.5 billion worth of anti-tank missiles, bombs, and fighter jets to Iran in 1986. Bien que Giuliani a déclaré à la conférence d'action politique conservateur en mars qu'il avait "beaucoup de poursuites de la criminalité-un peu de terrorisme, mais le plus souvent le crime organisé", at-il effectivement travaillé seulement un grand terrorisme affaire comme procureur des États-Unis, inculper 10 marchands d'armes pour la vente de 2,5 $ Milliards pour des missiles antichar, des bombes et des avions de combat à l'Iran en 1986. The judge in the case ruled that a sale to Iran violated terrorist statutes because its government had been tied to 87 terrorist incidents. Le juge dans l'affaire que d'une vente à l'Iran a violé les lois terroristes parce que son gouvernement avaient été attachés à 87 incidents terroristes. Giuliani has never mentioned the case, perhaps because he personally filed papers terminating it in his last month as US Attorney: A critical witness had died, and a judge tossed out 46 of the 55 counts because of errors by Giuliani’s office. Giuliani n'a jamais mentionné le cas, peut-être parce qu'il a lui-même déposé les documents à y mettre fin, dans son dernier mois comme procureur des États-Unis: Une critique témoin est décédé, et un juge ballotté sur 46 des 55 chefs d'accusation faute d'erreurs par le bureau de Giuliani.
“Then, as mayor of New York,” Giuliani’s July speech continued, “I got elected right after the 1993 Islamic terrorist attack . »Alors, comme maire de New York,« Giuliani juillet du discours poursuivi, «j'ai eu droit élu en 1993 après une attaque terroriste islamique. . . I set up emergency plans for all the different possible attacks we could have. J'ai mis en place des plans d'urgence pour toutes les différentes attaques possibles, nous pourrions avoir. We had drills and exercises preparing us for sarin gas and anthrax, dirty bombs.” Nous avons eu des exercices et des exercices de nous préparer pour le sarin, gaz et charbon bactéridien, bombes sales ».
In fact, Giuliani was oblivious to the 1993 World Trade Center bombing throughout his mayoralty. En fait, Giuliani était inconscient de 1993 contre le World Trade Center de bombardement tout au long de sa mairie. A month after the attack, candidate Giuliani met for the first time with Bill Bratton, who would ultimately become his police commissioner. Un mois après l'attentat, candidat Giuliani s'est réuni pour la première fois avec Bill Bratton, qui finirait par devenir son commissaire de police. The lengthy taped meeting was one of several policy sessions he had with unofficial advisers. Le long du ruban adhésif séance est l'une des nombreuses sessions de la politique qu'il a eue avec les conseillers officieux. The bombing never came up; neither did terrorism. Le bombardement n'a jamais eu, ni n'a le terrorisme. When Giuliani was elected a few months later, he immediately launched a search for a new police commissioner. Lorsque Giuliani a été élu quelques mois plus tard, il a immédiatement lancé une recherche d'un nouveau commissaire de police. Three members of the screening panel that Giuliani named to conduct the search, and four of the candidates interviewed for the job, said later that the bombing and terrorism were never mentioned—even when the new mayor got involved with the interviews himself. Trois membres du comité de sélection qui Giuliani nommé à la conduite de la recherche, et quatre des candidats interviewés pour le poste, a dit par la suite que les bombardements et le terrorisme n'ont jamais été mentionnés, même si le nouveau maire s'est impliqué dans les entretiens en personne. When Giuliani needed an emergency management director a couple of years later, two candidates for the job and the city official who spearheaded that search said that the bombing and future terrorist threats weren’t on Giuliani’s radar. Lorsque Giuliani avait besoin d'un directeur de la gestion des urgences un couple d'années plus tard, deux candidats pour le poste et la ville fonctionnaire qui a dirigé cette recherche a dit que les bombardements et futures menaces terroristes ne sont pas sur le radar Giuliani. The only time Giuliani invoked the 1993 bombing publicly was at his inauguration in 1994, when he referred to the way the building’s occupants evacuated themselves as a metaphor for personal responsibility, ignoring the bombing itself as a terrorist harbinger. Le seul moment où Giuliani invoqué le bombardement de 1993 a été publiquement à l'occasion de son investiture en 1994, quand il a fait allusion à la manière dont les occupants de l'immeuble évacué eux-mêmes comme une métaphore de la responsabilité personnelle, en ignorant l'attentat lui-même comme un terroriste augure.
US Attorney Mary Jo White and the four assistants who prosecuted the 1993 bombing said they were never asked to brief Giuliani about terrorism, though all of the assistants knew Giuliani personally and had actually been hired by him when he was the US Attorney. US procureur Mary Jo White et les quatre assistants poursuivi le bombardement de 1993 ont dit qu'ils n'ont jamais été invités à brève Giuliani sur le terrorisme, bien que tous les assistants Giuliani connaissais personnellement et ont effectivement été engagés par lui quand il était le procureur des États-Unis. White’s office, located just a couple hundred yards from City Hall, indicted bin Laden three years before 9/11, but Giuliani recounted in his own book, Leadership , that “shortly after 9/11, Judith [Nathan] got me a copy of Yossef Bodansky’s Bin Laden: The Man Who Declared War on America ,” which had warned of “spectacular terrorist strikes in Washington and/or New York” in 1999. White's bureau, situé juste à quelques centaines de mètres de l'hôtel de ville, les personnes accusées de Ben Laden trois ans avant 9 / 11, mais Giuliani a raconté dans son propre livre, Le leadership, que "peu après 9 / 11, Judith [Nathan] got me Copie de Yossef Bodansky de Ben Laden: The Man Who déclaré la guerre sur l'Amérique ", qui a mis en garde contre" spectaculaires attaques terroristes de Washington et / ou de New York »en 1999. As an example of how he “mastered a subject,” Giuliani wrote that he soon “covered” Bodansky’s prophetic work “in highlighter and notes.” À titre d'exemple de la façon dont il a «maîtrisé un sujet,« Giuliani écrit qu'il bientôt "couvert" Bodansky prophétique du travail "dans surligneur et de notes."
The 1995 sarin-gas drill that Giuliani cited in his July speech was also prophetic, anticipating many of the breakdowns that hampered the city’s 9/11 response. En 1995, le gaz sarin-perceuse Giuliani a cité dans son discours de Juillet a également été prophétique, anticipant beaucoup des pannes qui entravent la ville les 9 / 11 de réponse. The drill was such a disaster that a follow-up exercise was cancelled to avoid embarrassment. La foreuse a été une telle catastrophe que le suivi exercice a été annulé pour éviter l'embarras. More than a hundred of the first responders rushed in so recklessly that they were “killed” by exposure to the gas. Plus d'une centaine d'agents de secours d'urgence se sont précipités dans la imprudence qu'ils étaient «tué» par l'exposition aux gaz. Radio communications were described in the city’s own report as “abysmal,” with police and fire “operating on different frequencies.” The command posts were located much too close to the incident. Les communications radio ont été décrits dans la ville propre rapport comme "catastrophique", avec la police et d'incendie »fonctionnant sur des fréquences différentes." Les postes de commandement étaient situés trop près de l'incident. All three failings would be identified years later in official reviews of the 9/11 response. Les trois défaillances seraient identifiés ans plus tard, en commentaires officiels de la 9 / 11 réponse.
Giuliani went on, in this stump speech, to list other examples of his mayoral experience confronting terrorism. Giuliani a, dans ce discours de souche, à la liste d'autres exemples de son expérience des maires confrontés au terrorisme. There was the time, he says, “we had what we thought was a sarin gas attack.” And there were also the 50th anniversary commemoration of the United Nations and the 2000 millennium celebration to contend with, times, he said, “when we had a lot of warnings and had to do a tremendous amount to prepare.” And let’s not forget, he pointed out, the 1997 NYPD arrest of two terrorists who “were going to blow up a subway station.” Giuliani used this thwarted attack as proof of the city’s readiness: “A very, very alert young police officer saw those guys,” he said. Il y avait le temps, dit-il, "nous avons eu ce que nous pensions était un attentat au gaz sarin. 2000 millénaire célébration composer avec, parfois, dit-il,« lorsque nous Eu beaucoup de mises en garde et a dû faire un énorme travail pour se préparer. "Et n'oublions pas, at-il souligné, de 1997 NYPD arrestation de deux terroristes qui" allaient faire sauter une station de métro. "Giuliani utilisé cette déjoué Attaque comme une preuve de la ville est prête: «Un très, très alerte jeune agent de police a vu ces gars-là», at-il dit. “They looked suspicious, [so he] reported them to the desk sergeant. "Ils attendent suspectes, [il a] les a communiquées au bureau sergent. The police department executed a warrant and shot one of the men as he was about to hit a toggle switch.” Le département de la police a exécuté un mandat et abattu l'un des hommes comme il l'était sur le point de frapper une bascule. "
Each of the claims in Giuliani’s self-serving account is inaccurate. Chacune des réclamations de Giuliani's self-service de compte est inexacte. The supposed “sarin attack” was simply the discovery of an empty canister marked “sarin” in the home of a harmless Queens recluse. Le soi-disant "sarin attaque" était simplement la découverte d'une cartouche vide marquée "sarin" dans la maison d'une inoffensive Queens recluse. It was sitting next to an identical container labeled “compressed air” with a smiley-face logo. Il était assis à côté d'un conteneur identique marqués "air comprimé" avec un smiley-face logo. Jerry Hauer, the city’s emergency management director at the time, was in London, on the phone with Giuliani constantly. Jerry Hauer, la ville la gestion des urgences directeur à l'époque, était à Londres, au téléphone avec Giuliani constamment. Hauer finds it ironic that Giuliani is still talking about the incident, since they both thought it was “comically” mishandled then. Hauer trouve qu'il est ironique que Giuliani est encore parler de l'incident, car ils pensaient que c'était "comique" mal réagi alors. “The police went there without any suits on and touched all the containers without proper clothing. "La police s'y est rendu sans costumes et touché sur tous les conteneurs, sans vêtements. They turned it into a major crime scene, with a hundred cops lining the street. Ils ont fait d'elle l'un des principaux lieux du crime, avec une centaine de flics qui bordent les rues. Rudy at one point said to me, ‘Here we have the mayor, the fire commissioner, the chief of the police department, and one of my deputy mayors standing on the front lawn of this house. Rudy, à un moment me disait: "Ici, nous avons le maire, le commissaire des incendies, le chef du service de police, et l'un de mes maires adjoints debout sur la pelouse en face de cette maison. Shouldn’t we be across the street in case this stuff ignites?’” This overhyped emergency led to a misdemeanor arrest subsequently dismissed by the district attorney. Ne devrions-nous pas être en face de la rue au cas où ça s'enflamme? "» Cette overhyped urgence conduit à un délit d'arrestation puis rejeté par le procureur de district.
Similarly, the security concerns during the 1995 UN anniversary focused on Cuba and China and didn’t involve Arab terrorist threats. De même, les préoccupations de sécurité des Nations unies de 1995 au cours de l'anniversaire axé sur Cuba et la Chine, et ne mettaient pas en cause arabe menaces terroristes. The millennium target, well established at subsequent trials, was the Los Angeles International Airport, not New York. L'objectif du millénaire, bien établie à la suite des essais, a été l'aéroport international de Los Angeles, non pas à New York. While there’s no doubt the Clinton administration did put the country and city on terrorist alert for Y2K and other reasons, it was an arrest on the Washington/Canadian border that busted up a West Coast plot. Même si il n'ya pas de doute, l'administration Clinton a mis le pays et sur la ville d'alerte terroriste pour Y2K raisons et d'autres, il s'agissait d'une arrestation sur le Washington / frontière canadienne que busted place une parcelle Côte Ouest.
The subway bombing, meanwhile, wasn’t stymied by the NYPD. L'attentat du métro, quant à lui, n'a pas été bloquée par le NYPD. An Egyptian friend of the bomber—living with him in the apartment where the pipe bomb was being built—told two Long Island Rail Road police officers about it. Une Égyptienne ami de l'auteur de l'attentat-vivant avec lui dans l'appartement où la bombe a été dit en cours de construction-deux Long Island Rail Road officiers de police à ce sujet. When the NYPD subsequently raided the apartment, they shot two Palestinians who were there—one of whom, hit five times and gravely wounded, was later acquitted at trial. Lorsque le NYPD a ensuite fait irruption dans l'appartement, ils ont abattu deux Palestiniens qui se trouvaient là, dont l'un, touché à cinq reprises et gravement blessé, a ensuite été acquitté au procès. No one had tried to set off the bomb at the time of the arrest, though news stories reported that; the bomber had reached for an officer’s gun, according to the trial testimony. Nul n'a tenté de déclencher la bombe au moment de l'arrestation, mais a indiqué que de nouvelles histoires, le kamikaze était parvenu à un agent de fusil, selon le témoignage au procès. The news stories also initially suggested a link to Hamas, though the lone bomber was actually an amateur fanatic with no money and no network. Les reportages initialement suggéré également un lien vers le Hamas, bien que le seul bombardier était en fait un amateur fanatique, sans argent et pas de réseau. As conservative a source as Bill Gertz of The Washington Times wrote that FBI counterterrorism investigators were “concerned that the initial alarmist statements about the case made by Mayor Rudy Giuliani”—apparently a reference to leaks about Hamas and the toggle switch—”will prove embarrassing.” Comme conservateur comme une source de Bill Gertz The Washington Times a écrit que la lutte contre les enquêteurs du FBI étaient «préoccupés par le fait que les premières déclarations alarmistes au sujet de l'affaire faite par le maire Rudy Giuliani"-apparemment une référence à des fuites sur le Hamas et le bascule-"va s'avérer très embarrassant ».
Giuliani’s terrorism biography is bunk. Giuliani est le terrorisme biographie couchette. As mayor, his laser-beam focus was street thugs, and as a prosecutor, it was the mob, Wall Street, and crooked politicians. En tant que maire, son faisceau laser accent a été mis voyous des rues, et en tant que procureur, c'était la foule, Wall Street, et biscornues politiciens. He can’t reach back to those years and rewrite such well-known chapters of his life. Il ne peut pas parvenir à revenir à ces années et réécrire bien connus chapitres de sa vie.
BIG LIE BIG LIE
2. 2. ‘I don’t think there was anyplace in the country, including the federal government, that was as well prepared for that attack as New York City was in 2001.’ This assertion flies in the face of all three studies of the city’s response—the 9/11 Commission, the National Institute of Standards & Technology (NIST), and McKinsey & Co., the consulting firm hired by the Bloomberg administration. "Je ne pense pas qu'il y avait tout lieu dans le pays, y compris le gouvernement fédéral, qui a été aussi bien préparés pour cette attaque comme la ville de New York était en 2001." Cette affirmation va à l'encontre de ces trois études de la ville Réponse de la 9 / 11 Commission, le National Institute of Standards & Technology (NIST), et McKinsey & Co., la société d'experts-conseils engagés par l'administration Bloomberg.
Actually, Giuliani didn’t create the OEM until three years after the 1993 bombing, 27 months into his term. En réalité, Giuliani n'a pas créé l'OEM que trois ans après le bombardement de 1993, 27 mois après son terme. And he didn’t open the OEM’s new emergency command center until the end of 1999—nearly six years after he’d taken office. Et il n'a pas ouvert le OEM de neuf centre de commande d'urgence jusqu'à la fin de 1999, près de six ans après qu'il avait pris ses fonctions. If he “assumed from the moment I came into office that NYC would be the subject of a terrorist attack,” as he told Time when it made him “Person of the Year” in 2001, he sure took a long time to erect what he describes as the city’s front line of defense. S'il «assume depuis le moment où je suis entré en fonction que NYC ferait l'objet d'une attaque terroriste», comme il l'a dit à l'heure quand il a fait de lui "Personnalité de l'Année» en 2001, il a pris un certain temps pour ériger ce qu'il Décrit la ville comme première ligne de défense.
The OEM was established so long after the bombing because, contrary to Giuliani’s revisionism, the decision to create it had nothing to do with the bombing. L'équipementier a été établi si longtemps après le bombardement parce que, contrairement à Giuliani du révisionnisme, la décision de le créer n'a rien à voir avec l'attentat. Several memos, unearthed from the Giuliani archive and going on at great length, reveal that the initial rationale for the agency was “non-law enforcement events,” particularly the handling of a Brooklyn water-main break shortly after he took office that the mayor thought had been botched. Plusieurs mémos, déterré de la Giuliani archive et passe très longuement, révèlent que la première raison d'être de l'agence était "non-application de la loi de cause,« en particulier la manipulation d'un Brooklyn eau-break, peu après avoir pris ses fonctions que le maire Réflexion avait été bâclée. Before that, in December 1994, when an unemployed computer programmer carried a bomb onto a subway in an extortion plot against the Transit Authority, Giuliani was upset that he couldn’t even get a count of patients from the responding services for his press conference. Auparavant, en décembre 1994, date à laquelle un chômeur programmeur transporté une bombe dans un métro, dans un complot contre l'extorsion Transit Authority, Giuliani a été bouleversé qu'il ne pouvait même pas obtenir le nombre de patients ayant répondu de services pour sa conférence de presse.
Jerry Hauer, who was handpicked by Giuliani to head the OEM, testified before the 9/11 Commission that Giuliani was “unable to get the full story” at the firebombing and “heard about the huge street collapse” that followed the water-main break “on TV,” adding: “That’s what led the mayor to set up OEM.” Hauer went through five interviews for the job, and the only time terrorism came up was when Giuliani briefly discussed the failed sarin-gas drill. Jerry Hauer, qui a été triés par Giuliani à la tête de l'équipementier, a témoigné devant la 9 / 11 Commission Giuliani, qui était «incapable d'obtenir de l'histoire" à la bombe incendiaire et "entendu parler de l'immense effondrement de rue» qui a suivi l'eau-break "Sur la télévision», ajoutant: «C'est ce qui a amené le maire à mettre en place OEM." Hauer a traversé cinq interviews pour le poste, et la seule fois où le terrorisme a eu quand Giuliani a été brièvement discuté de l'échec du gaz sarin-semoir. He even met with Giuliani’s wife, Donna Hanover; no one said a word about the 1993 bombing. Il a même rencontré l'épouse de Giuliani, Donna Hanover, personne ne dit un mot sur le bombardement de 1993. Hauer’s own memos at the time the OEM was launched in 1996 emphasize “the visibility of the mayor” during emergencies (rather than the police commissioner) as a major objective of the agency. Hauer ses propres notes à l'époque l'OEM a été lancé en 1996, souligne «la visibilité du maire" durant les situations d'urgence (plutôt que le commissaire de police), comme l'un des grands objectifs de l'agence. The now- ballyhooed new office was, however, so underfunded from the start that Hauer could only hire staffers whose salaries would be paid for by other agencies like the NYPD. Le présent-ballyhooed nouveau bureau a été, cependant, sont insuffisants, d'emblée, que Hauer ne pouvait embaucher personnel dont les salaires seraient payés par d'autres organismes comme la NYPD.
With that kind of history, it’s hardly surprising that the OEM was anything but “invaluable” on 9/11. Avec ce genre d'histoire, il n'est pas surprenant que l'équipementier était tout sauf «inestimable» au 9 / 11. Sam Caspersen, one of the principal authors of the 9/11 Commission’s chapter on the city’s response, says that “nothing was happening at OEM” during the 102 minutes of the attack that had any direct impact on the city’s “rescue/evacuation operation.” A commission staff statement found that, even prior to the evacuation of the OEM command center at 7 World Trade an hour after the first plane hit, the agency “did not play an integral role” in the response. Sam Caspersen, l'un des principaux auteurs de la 9 / 11 Commission du chapitre sur la réponse de la ville, affirme que "rien ne se passait lors OEM" pendant les 102 minutes de l'attaque, qui avait un impact direct sur la ville "Rescue / opération d'évacuation." Une déclaration personnel de la commission a constaté que, même avant l'évacuation de l'OEM de centre de commandement à 7 mondiale du commerce, une heure après que le premier avion a frappé, l'agence "n'a pas joué un rôle" dans la réponse. Despite Giuliani’s claim today that he and the OEM were “constantly planning for different kinds” of attacks, none of the OEM exercises replicated the 1993 bombing. Malgré Giuliani aujourd'hui à la demande que lui-même et les OEM étaient «constamment la planification de différentes sortes" d'attaques, aucune des OEM exercices 1993 a reproduit l'attentat. No drill occurred at the World Trade Center, and none involved the response to a high-rise fire anywhere. Pas de forage survenus au World Trade Center, et aucun participant à la réponse une tour d'incendie partout. In fact, the OEM had no high-rise plan—its emergency-management trainers weren’t even assigned to prepare for the one attack that had already occurred, and the one most likely to recur. En fait, l'équipementier avait pas de gratte-ciel, son plan d'urgence de gestion des formateurs ne sont pas encore affectés à préparer une attaque qui avait déjà eu lieu, et le plus susceptible de se reproduire. Kevin Culley, a Fire Department captain who worked as a field responder at OEM, said the agency had “plans for minor emergencies,” but he couldn’t recall “anybody anticipating another attack like the ‘93 bombing.” Kevin Culley, un service d'incendie de bord qui a travaillé comme un champ intervenant à l'OEM, a déclaré à l'agence avait «des plans pour les urgences mineures», mais il ne se souvient pas "n'importe qui anticipe une autre attaque comme le bombardement'93."
Instead of being the best-prepared city, New York’s lack of unified command, as well as the breakdown of communications between the police and fire departments, fell far short of the efforts at the Pentagon that day, as later established by the 9/11 Commission and NIST reports. Au lieu d'être le mieux préparé ville, à New York, à l'absence de commandement unifié, ainsi que la rupture des communications entre la police et les services d'incendie, étaient loin de l'action menée au Pentagone ce jour-là, comme plus tard mis en place par la 9 / 11 Commission et les rapports du NIST. When the 280,000-member International Association of Fire Fighters recently released a powerful video assailing Giuliani for sticking firefighters with the same radios that “we knew didn’t work” in the 1993 attack, the presidential campaign attacked the union. Lorsque le membre 280000-Association internationale des pompiers a récemment publié un puissant vidéo assaillent Giuliani pour coller les pompiers avec la même radio que «nous ne savions pas» dans l'attaque de 1993, la campagne présidentielle ont attaqué le syndicat. “This is an organization that supported John Kerry for president in 2004,” Giuliani aide Tony Carbonetti said. «Il s'agit d'une organisation qui a soutenu John Kerry à la présidence en 2004,« Giuliani aide Tony Carbonetti dit. “So it’s no shock that they’re out there going after a credible Republican.” While the IAFF did endorse Kerry, the Uniformed Firefighters of Greater New York, whose president starred in the video, endorsed Bush. "Ce n'est donc pas un choc qu'ils sont là, après une passe crédible républicain." Alors que l'IAFF ne souscris Kerry, l'uniforme des pompiers du Grand New York, dont le président vedette dans la vidéo, a approuvé Bush. Its former president, Tom Von Essen—currently a member of Giuliani Partners—was the fire commissioner on 9/11 precisely because the union had played such a pivotal role in initially electing Giuliani. Son ancien président, Tom Von Essen-actuellement membre de Giuliani Partners, a été le commissaire des incendies sur 9 / 11, précisément parce que le syndicat a joué un rôle central dans l'élection initialement Giuliani.
The IAFF video reports that 121 firefighters in the north tower didn’t get out because they didn’t hear evacuation orders, rejecting Giuliani’s claim before the 9/11 Commission that the firefighters heard the orders and heroically decided to “stand their ground” and rescue civilians. L'IAFF reportages vidéo que 121 pompiers dans la tour nord n'a pas sortir parce qu'ils n'ont pas entendu les ordres d'évacuation, en rejetant la demande présentée Giuliani avant le 9 / 11 que la Commission a entendu les pompiers commandes et héroïquement décidé de «rester à leur sol "Et le sauvetage des civils. Having abandoned that 2004 contention, the Giuliani campaign is now trying to blame the deadly communications lapse on the repeaters, which were installed to boost radio signals in the towers. Ayant abandonné cette thèse 2004, la campagne Giuliani essaie maintenant d'accuser les meurtriers de communications sur la caducité des répéteurs, qui ont été installés pour renforcer les signaux radio dans les tours. But the commission concluded that the “technical failure of FDNY radios” was “a contributing factor,” though “not the primary cause,” of the “many firefighter fatalities in the North Tower.” The commission compared “the strength” of the NYPD and FDNY radios and said that the weaknesses of the FDNY radios “worked against successful communication.” Mais la commission a conclu que la "défaillance technique du FDNY radios" était "un facteur contributif», mais «pas la cause première», du «pompier de nombreux morts dans la tour nord." La commission comparé "la force" de la NYPD FDNY et dit que les radios et les faiblesses du FDNY radios «travaillé contre une communication réussie."
The commission report also found that “it’s impossible to know what difference it made that units in the North Tower weren’t using the repeater channel,” because no one knows if it “remained operational” after the collapse of the south tower, which fell on the trade-center facilities where the repeater and its console were located. Rapport de la commission a également constaté qu ' "il est impossible de savoir quelle différence cela a fait que les unités dans la tour nord ne sont pas en utilisant le canal répéteur", car nul ne sait si elle "demeure opérationnel" après l'effondrement de la tour sud, Qui sont tombés sur le centre du commerce, où les installations de répéteurs et de sa console se trouvaient. The collapse also drove everyone out of the north tower lobby, leaving no one to operate the repeater console. L'effondrement a également conduit tout le monde hors de la tour nord hall, ne laissant aucune personne à faire fonctionner la console de répéteurs. In addition, the commission concluded that fire chiefs failed to turn on the repeater correctly that morning—another indication of the lack of training and drills at the WTC between the attacks. En outre, la commission a conclu que les chefs d'incendie manqué à son tour sur le répéteur correctement ce matin-là, une autre indication de l'absence de formation et des exercices sur le WTC entre les attaques. In the end, firefighters had to rely exclusively on their radios, and the inability of the Giuliani administration to find a replacement for the radios that malfunctioned in 1993 left them unable to talk to each other, even about getting out of a tower on the verge of collapse. En fin de compte, les pompiers ont dû se fonder exclusivement sur leurs radios, et l'incapacité de l'administration Giuliani pour trouver un remplaçant pour la radio qui a mal fonctionné en 1993 a laissés incapables de parler les uns aux autres, même sur la sortie d'une tour sur le point De l'effondrement.
The mayor had also done nothing to make the radios interoperable—which would have enabled the police and firefighters to communicate across departmental lines—despite having received a 1995 federal waiver granting the city the additional radio frequencies to make that possible. Le maire avait également rien fait pour rendre interopérables les radios-ce qui aurait permis à la police et aux pompiers de faire communiquer à travers les lignes départementales-bien qu'ayant reçu une renonciation à l'octroi fédéral de 1995 la ville de radiofréquences supplémentaires pour rendre cela possible. That meant the fire chiefs had no idea that police helicopters had anticipated the partial collapse of both towers long before they fell. Cela signifiait le feu chefs n'avaient aucune idée que les hélicoptères de la police avaient anticipé l'effondrement partiel des deux tours bien avant qu'ils caduc.
It’s not just the radios and the OEM: Giuliani never forced the police and fire departments to abide by clear command-and-control protocols that squarely put one service in charge of the other during specified emergencies. Ce ne sont pas seulement les radios et les OEM: Giuliani n'a jamais forcé la police et les services d'incendie de se conformer claire de commandement et de contrôle des protocoles carrément mettre un service en charge de l'autre pendant des situations d'urgence. Though he collected $250 million in tax surcharges on phone use to improve the 911 system, he diverted this emergency funding for other uses, and the 911 dispatchers were an utter disaster that day, telling victims to stay where they were long after the fire chiefs had ordered an evacuation, which potentially sealed the fates of hundreds. Bien qu'il ait recueilli 250 millions de dollars en impôt des surtaxes sur l'utilisation du téléphone pour améliorer le système 911, il a détourné de ce fonds d'urgence pour d'autres utilisations, et la 911 répartiteurs sont une pure catastrophe ce jour-là, en disant victimes de rester où ils étaient longtemps après que l'incendie avait chefs Ordonne l'évacuation, ce qui potentiellement a scellé le sort de centaines de personnes. And, despite the transparent lessons of 1993, Giuliani never established any protocols for rooftop or elevator rescues in high-rises, or even a strategy for bringing the impaired and injured out—all costly failings on 9/11. Et, en dépit de la transparence des leçons de l'année 1993, Giuliani n'a jamais établi de protocoles pour le toit ou dans l'ascenseur sauvetages élevées, ou même une stratégie pour amener les personnes handicapées et tous les blessés hors coûteux échecs sur 9 / 11.
But perhaps the best evidence of the Giuliani administration’s lack of readiness was that no one at its top levels had a top-secret security clearance on 9/11. Mais peut-être le meilleur témoignage de l'administration Giuliani, le manque de préparation était que nul lors de son sommet de la hiérarchie a eu un top-secrets de sécurité sur le 9 / 11. Hauer, who had left the OEM in 2000 to become a top biochemical adviser at the US Department of Health and Human Services, was invited to Gracie Mansion within days of 9/11 for a strategy session with Giuliani and a half-dozen of his top advisers, including Police Commissioner Bernie Kerik, Tom Von Essen, and Richie Sheirer, who succeeded Hauer at the OEM. Hauer, qui avait quitté l'équipementier en 2000 pour devenir un haut conseiller biochimiques à l'US Department of Health and Human Services, a été invité à Gracie Mansion quelques jours après 9 / 11 pour une séance de stratégie avec Giuliani, et une demi-douzaine de ses top Conseillers, y compris le commissaire de police de Bernie Kerik, Tom Von Essen, et Richie Sheirer, qui a succédé à la Hauer OEM. Hauer, who had the highest-level clearance, says that “no one else in the room had one at all.” He was told that the FBI “was trying to get them expedited clearances.” Hauer, qui avait le plus haut niveau de dédouanement, affirme que «personne d'autre dans la salle avaient du tout." On lui a dit que le FBI "essayait de les faire accélérer les dégagements."
Hauer had previously taken Sheirer down to the White House to meet with top counterterrorism brass and learned on his way into the meeting that Sheirer hadn’t “filled out the questionnaire.” When Kerik’s nomination as homeland security secretary blew up in 2004, news accounts also indicated that he’d never filled it out. Hauer Sheirer avait précédemment pris à la Maison Blanche pour rencontrer le haut de lutte laiton et appris sur son chemin dans la réunion que Sheirer n'avait «pas rempli le questionnaire. 2004, News comptes a également indiqué que jamais il ne l'avait rempli it out. Von Essen was so out of the loop that he said that prior to 9/11, he was told “nothing at all,” and that he started hearing “talk of an organization called al Qaeda and a man named Osama bin Laden” a few hours after the attack. Von Essen était tellement hors de la boucle qu'il a dit que, avant 9 / 11, on lui a dit "rien du tout", et qu'il a commencé à entendre "parler d'une organisation appelée Al-Qaïda et un homme du nom d'Oussama ben Laden" un peu Heures après l'attaque. “It meant nothing to me,” he wrote in his own book. "Il ne voulait rien dire pour moi», écrit-il dans son propre livre.
“I was reading the daily intelligence in Washington,” Hauer recalled, “and I didn’t feel comfortable talking about things that people weren’t cleared for. "J'étais en train de lire le quotidien du renseignement à Washington," Hauer rappelé, "et je n'ai pas à l'aise de parler de choses que les gens n'ont pas été déminés. Talking in general with Rudy one-on-one was one thing, but talking to Richie and Bernie and Tommy violated my security clearances.” Though Giuliani’s top team had failed to seek the clearances they needed prior to 9/11, Kerik and Giuliani attacked the FBI for not sharing information with local law enforcement officials when they testified a month after the attack at a House subcommittee hearing. Parler en général avec Rudy tête-à-tête est une chose, mais parler à Richie et Bernie et Tommy ont violé ma sécurité. "Bien que Giuliani's top équipe avait manqué de solliciter les autorisations dont ils ont besoin avant 9 / 11, et Kerik Giuliani a attaqué le FBI de ne pas partager les informations avec les forces de l'ordre quand elles ont témoigné d'un mois après l'attaque à un sous-comité House audience.
BIG LIE BIG LIE
3. 3. Don’t blame me for 7 WTC, Rudy says. In response to his critics’ most damning sound bite, Giuliani is attempting to blame a once-valued aide for the decision to put his prized, $61 million emergency-command center in the World Trade Center, an obvious terrorist target. Ce n'est pas ma faute pour 7 WTC, explique Rudy. En réponse à ses détracteurs "le plus accablant insert sonore, Giuliani est tentant de blâmer une fois valorisée aide à la décision de placer son prisé, $ 61 millions de centre de commande d'urgence dans le monde Trade Center, à l'évidence cible pour les terroristes. The 1997 decision had dire consequences on 9/11, when the city had to mobilize a response without any operational center. La décision de 1997 a des conséquences désastreuses sur 9 / 11, quand la ville a dû mobiliser une réponse sans aucun centre opérationnel.
“My director of emergency management recommended 7 WTC” as “the site that would make the most sense,” Giuliani told Chris Wallace’s Fox News Channel show in May, pinpointing Jerry Hauer as the culprit. "Mon directeur de la gestion des situations d'urgence recommandé 7 WTC" comme "le site qui ferait le plus de sens», a dit Giuliani Chris Wallace Fox News Channel's show en mai, l'identification Jerry Hauer comme le coupable.
Wallace confronted Giuliani, however, with a 1996 Hauer memo recommending that the bunker be sited at MetroTech in Brooklyn, close to where the Bloomberg administration eventually built one. Wallace confrontés Giuliani, cependant, avec une note de 1996, Hauer, recommandant que le bunker sera situé à MetroTech à Brooklyn, près du lieu où l'administration Bloomberg finalement construit un. The mayor brushed the memo aside, continuing to insist that Hauer had picked it as “the prime site.” The campaign then put out statements from a former deputy mayor who said that Hauer had supported the trade-center location at a high-level meeting with the mayor in 1997. Le maire a brossé le mémo de côté, continue d'insister pour que Hauer avaient repris comme «le premier site." La campagne a éteint les déclarations d'un ancien adjoint au maire qui a dit que Hauer a appuyé le commerce situé au centre une réunion de haut niveau Avec le maire en 1997.
Hauer doesn’t dispute that he eventually backed the 7 WTC location, but he clearly favored MetroTech. Hauer ne conteste pas qu'il a finalement soutenu le 7 WTC emplacement, mais il a clairement favorisé MetroTech. His memo said that MetroTech “could be available in six months,” while it took four and a half more years to get the bunker up and running at 7 WTC. Dit que son mémo MetroTech "pourraient être disponibles dans six mois», alors qu'il a fallu quatre et demi plus d'années pour obtenir le bunker place à 7 WTC. He said that MetroTech was secure and “not as visible a target as buildings in Lower Manhattan”— a prophetic comparison. Il a dit que MetroTech était sûr et "non pas comme une cible visible que des bâtiments dans le Lower Manhattan» - une comparaison prophétique. Listing eight positives about MetroTech, the memo also mentioned negatives, but said they weren’t insurmountable. Listing huit positifs concernant MetroTech, le mémo mentionne également des négatifs, mais ont déclaré qu'elles n'étaient pas insurmontables. “The real issue,” Hauer concluded, “is whether or not the mayor wants to go across the river to manage an incident. «La vraie question," Hauer conclu, «est de savoir si le maire veut traverser la rivière pour gérer un incident. If he is willing to do this, MetroTech is a good alternative.” Notes from meetings indicate that Hauer continued to push MetroTech in the discussions with the mayor and his top deputy. S'il est disposé à le faire, MetroTech est une bonne alternative. "Notes de réunions indiquent que Hauer MetroTech continué à pousser dans les discussions avec le maire et ses principaux adjoints.
But Hauer says Denny Young, the mayor’s alter ego, who has worked at his side for nearly three decades, eventually “made it very clear” that Giuliani wanted “to be able to walk to this facility quickly.” That meant the bunker had to be in lower Manhattan. Mais Hauer explique Denny Young, le maire, l'alter ego, qui a travaillé à ses côtés pendant près de trois décennies, finissent par "il est très clair" que Giuliani a voulu «être capable de marcher rapidement à cette installation." Cela veut dire le bunker Devait être dans Lower Manhattan. Since the City Hall area is below the floodplain, the command center—which was built with a hurricane-curtain wall—had to be above ground. Depuis l'Hôtel de Ville est en dessous de la zone de la plaine inondable, le centre de commande, qui a été construite avec un ouragan-mur-rideau devait être au-dessus du sol. The formal city document approving the site said that it “was selected due to its proximity to City Hall,” a standard set by Giuliani and Giuliani alone. Le document formel ville approuvant le site dit qu'il "a été choisi en raison de sa proximité de l'hôtel de ville,« une norme fixée par Giuliani et Giuliani seul.
The 7 WTC site was the brainchild of Bill Diamond, a prominent Manhattan Republican that Giuliani had installed at the city agency handling rentals. Le 7 WTC site est l'idée du projet de loi Diamond, un éminent républicain Manhattan que Giuliani avait été installé à la ville de manutention agence de location. When Diamond held a similar post in the Reagan administration a few years earlier, his office had selected the same building to house nine federal agencies. Quand Diamond a tenu un poste équivalent dans l'administration Reagan quelques années auparavant, son bureau avait choisi le même bâtiment pour loger neuf organismes fédéraux. Diamond’s GOP-wired broker steered Hauer to the building, which was owned by a major Giuliani donor and fundraiser. Diamond's GOP-câblé courtier dirigé Hauer à l'immeuble, qui était détenue par l'un des principaux donateurs et de collecte de fonds Giuliani. When Hauer signed onto it, he was locked in by the limitations Giuliani had imposed on the search and the sites Diamond offered him. Quand Hauer signé sur lui, il a été enfermé dans les limites Giuliani avait imposées à la recherche et les sites de diamant lui a offert. The mayor was so personally focused on the siting and construction of the bunker that the city administrator who oversaw it testified in a subsequent lawsuit that “very senior officials,” specifically including Giuliani, “were involved,” which he said was a major difference between this and other projects. Le maire a été personnellement mis l'accent sur l'implantation et la construction du bunker que la ville qui a supervisé l'administrateur, il a témoigné dans un procès ultérieur que «très hauts fonctionnaires», et spécifiquement Giuliani, "étaient impliqués», at-il dit, qui a été une grande différence entre Ceci et d'autres projets. Giuliani’s office had a humidor for cigars and mementos from City Hall, including a fire horn, police hats and fire hats, as well as monogrammed towels in his bathroom. Giuliani, le bureau avait une cave à cigares et de souvenirs de l'hôtel de ville, y compris un incendie en corne, de la police et d'incendie chapeaux chapeaux, ainsi que monogrammed towels dans sa salle de bains. His suite was bulletproofed and he visited it often, even on weekends, bringing his girlfriend Judi Nathan there long before the relationship surfaced. Sa suite fut bulletproofed l'a visité et souvent, même le week-end, ce qui porte sa petite amie Judi Nathan existe bien avant la relation surface. He had his own elevator. Il avait sa propre ascenseur. Great concern was expressed in writing that the platform in the press room had to be high enough to make sure his head was above the cameras. Une grande préoccupation a été exprimée par écrit que la plate-forme dans la salle de presse a dû être assez élevée pour vous assurer que sa tête était au-dessus des caméras. It’s inconceivable that the hands-on mayor’s fantasy command center was shaped—or sited—by anyone other than him. Il est inconcevable que les mains du maire sur la fantaisie en forme de centre de commande a été localisée ou par une autre personne que lui.
Of course, the consequences of putting the center there were predictable. Bien entendu, les conséquences de placer le centre étaient prévisibles. The terrorist who engineered the 1993 bombing told the FBI they were coming back to the trade center. Le terroriste qui a conçu le bombardement de 1993, le FBI a dit qu'ils étaient de revenir au centre commercial. Opposing the site at a meeting with the mayor, Police Commissioner Howard Safir called it “Ground Zero” because of the earlier attack. Opposing le site lors d'une réunion avec le maire, le commissaire de police Howard Safir a appelé "Ground Zero" à cause de la première attaque. Lou Anemone, the highest-ranking uniformed officer in the NYPD, wrote memos slamming the site. Lou Anémone, le plus haut rang de l'agent en uniforme dans la NYPD, a écrit des notes de slamming le site. “I’ve never seen in my life ‘walking distance’ as some kind of a standard for crisis management,” Anemone said later. "Je n'ai jamais vu dans ma vie" à pied "comme une sorte de standard pour la gestion des crises», a dit par la suite Anémone. “But you don’t want to confuse Giuliani with the facts.” Anemone had done a detailed vulnerability study of the city for Giuliani, pinpointing terrorist targets. "Mais vous ne voulez pas confondre Giuliani avec les faits." Anémone avait réalisé une étude détaillée de vulnérabilité de la ville de Giuliani, l'identification des cibles terroristes. “In terms of targets, the WTC was number one,” he says. "En termes de cibles, le World Trade Center était numéro un, dit-il. “I guess you had to be there in 1993 to know how strongly we felt it was the wrong place.” «Je suppose que vous avez dû être là, en 1993, de savoir combien nous avons estimé qu'il était au mauvais endroit."
Bizarrely, Giuliani even tried in the Wallace interview to deny that the early evacuation of the bunker left him searching for a new site, contrary to the account of that frantic morning he’s given hundreds of times, often for honoraria reaching six figures. Bizarrement, Giuliani même essayé dans la Wallace interview à nier que le début de l'évacuation de la soute a laissé la recherche d'un nouveau site, contrairement au compte de cette frénétique matin, il a permis des centaines de fois, souvent pour des honoraires atteint six chiffres. “The way you’re interpreting it,” he told Wallace, “it was as if that was the one fixed command center. "La manière dont vous l'interpréter", at-il dit Wallace, «c'est comme si c'était l'unique centre de commande fixe. It was not. Il ne l'était pas. There were backup command centers.” To minimize the effect of the loss of the bunker, Giuliani said that, “within a half hour” of the shutdown of the bunker, “we were able to move immediately to another command center.” Il y avait des centres de commandement de secours. "Afin de minimiser l'effet de la perte du bunker, Giuliani a déclaré que," à moins d'une demi heure "de la fermeture de la soute", nous avons été en mesure de passer immédiatement à un autre centre de commande. "
In fact, as Giuliani himself has told the dramatic tale, he and his entourage were briefly trapped in a Merrill Lynch office, “jimmied the lock” of a firehouse, and took over a deluxe hotel until they realized it was “sheathed in windows.” They considered going to City Hall, but learned it was covered in debris. En fait, comme Giuliani lui-même a dit à la dramatique histoire, lui et son entourage ont été brièvement pris au piège dans un bureau de Merrill Lynch, "jimmied le verrou» d'une caserne, et a pris plus d'un hôtel de luxe et ils réalisent qu'il était "gainés de fenêtres. "Ils ont considéré aller à l'hôtel de ville, mais a appris qu'il était couverte de débris. The only backup center that existed was the small one at police headquarters that had been put out of business when the WTC bunker opened; but Giuliani said its phones weren’t working. Le seul centre de secours qui existait était le plus petit au siège de la police qui avaient été mises hors service lorsque le WTC de soute ouverte, mais a dit que sa Giuliani téléphones ne fonctionnaient plus. “We’re going to have to find someplace,” Giuliani said, according to his Time account, which described it as a “long and harrowing” search. «Nous allons devoir trouver un endroit", a déclaré Giuliani, en fonction de son temps compte, ce qui l'a qualifié de "longues et déchirantes" search. “Our government no longer had a place to work,” he wrote in Leadership . «Notre gouvernement n'a plus de place pour travailler», at-il écrit dans le leadership.
They wound up at the police academy uptown and, according to the account Giuliani and company gave Time , “we are up and operating by 4 pm”—seven hours, not a half-hour, after the attack. Ils ont liquidé à l'Académie de police et la ville haute, selon le compte Giuliani et de l'entreprise a Time, "nous sommes en place et l'exploitation de 4 heures"-sept heures, pas une demi-heure, après l'attaque. But Giuliani told the 9/11 Commission that they quickly decided the academy “was too small” and “were able to establish a command center” at Pier 92 “within three days,” virtually building it from scratch. Mais Giuliani a déclaré à la 9 / 11 Commission, ils ont rapidement décidé que l'académie »est trop petit» et «ont été en mesure d'établir un centre de commande" au Pier 92 »dans les trois jours," virtuellement construire à partir de zéro. Hauer said he’d asked for a backup command center years before 9/11, “but they told me there was no money for it.” After Hauer left, and shortly before 9/11, the city announced plans to build a backup center near police headquarters—a site quickly jettisoned by the Bloomberg administration. Hauer a déclaré qu'il allait demandé un centre de commande de sauvegarde ans avant 9 / 11, "mais ils m'ont dit il n'y avait pas d'argent pour cela." Après Hauer gauche, et peu avant 9 / 11, la ville a annoncé des plans pour construire un centre de sauvegarde Siège de la police à proximité d'un site-vite larguée par l'administration Bloomberg. Police officials told reporters that they were looking for space outside Manhattan and underground, citing the lessons of 9/11. Responsables de la police a déclaré qu'ils étaient à la recherche d'espace souterrain et extérieur de Manhattan, en invoquant les leçons de 9 / 11.
BIG LIE BIG LIE
4. 4. ‘Democrats do not understand the full nature and scope of the terrorist war against us.’ Giuliani blames what he calls Bill Clinton’s “decade of denial” for the mess we’re in, and uses it to tarnish the rest of Clinton’s party. «Démocrates ne pas comprendre la nature exacte et la portée de la guerre terroriste contre nous." Giuliani incrimine ce qu'il appelle Bill Clinton de "déni de la décennie" pour le gâchis nous sommes dans, et l'utilise pour ternir le reste de Clinton " À la partie. “Don’t react, kind of let things go, kind of act the way Clinton did in the ’90s” is his favorite way of characterizing the Democratic response to the threat of terrorism. "Ne pas réagir, sorte de laisser les choses aller, le genre d'acte manière Clinton a fait dans les années'90" est son favori de façon démocratique caractérisant la réponse à la menace du terrorisme. “We were attacked at Khobar Towers, Kenya, Tanzania, 17 of our sailors were killed on the USS Cole , and the United States government, under then-president Clinton, did not respond,” Giuliani told the rabidly anti-Clinton audience at Pat Robertson’s Regent University. «Nous avons été attaqués à Khobar Towers, le Kenya, la Tanzanie, 17 de nos marins ont été tués sur le USS Cole, et le gouvernement des États-Unis, puis sous-président Clinton, n'a pas répondu», a déclaré à la Giuliani rabidly anti-Clinton public à Pat Robertson's Regent University. “It was a big mistake to not recognize that the 1993 bombing was a terrorist act and an act of war,” he added. "C'était une grave erreur de ne pas reconnaître que les bombardements de 1993 était un acte terroriste et un acte de guerre", at-il ajouté. “Bin Laden declared war on us. «Ben Laden a déclaré la guerre à nous. We didn’t hear it. Nous n'avons pas entendu cela. I thought it was pretty clear at the time, but a lot of people didn’t see it, couldn’t see it.” Je pensais que c'était assez clair à l'époque, mais beaucoup de gens ne le voit pas, ne pouvait pas le voir. "
This is naked revisionism—and not just because of his own well established, head-in-the-sand indifference to the 1993 bombing. Ce révisionnisme est nu-et pas seulement à cause de son propre bien établi, la tête-dans-le-sable indifférence à la bombe de 1993. It’s as unambiguously partisan as his claim that on 9/11, he looked to the sky, saw the first fighter jets flying over the city well after the attack, and thanked God that George W. Bush was president. Bob Kerrey, the former Democratic senator who sat on the 9/11 Commission, put it fairly: “Prior to 9/11, no elected official did enough to reduce the threat of Al Qaeda. Neither political party covered itself in glory.”
Giuliani’s lifelong friend Louis Freeh, the former FBI head who has endorsed him for president, wrote in his 2005 autobiography that “the nation’s fundamental approach to Osama bin Laden and his ilk was no different after the inauguration of January 21, 2001, than it had been before.” As Bob Kerrey noted, the five Democrats and five Republicans on the 9/11 Commission said much the same thing. Giuliani’s lifelong friend Louis Freeh, the former FBI head who has endorsed him for president, wrote in his 2005 autobiography that “the nation’s fundamental approach to Osama bin Laden and his ilk was no different after the inauguration of January 21, 2001 , than it had been before.” As Bob Kerrey noted, the five Democrats and five Republicans on the 9/11 Commission said much the same thing. Freeh added that both administrations “were fighting criminals, not an enemy force” before 9/11, and Giuliani is now making precisely the same policy point, but limiting his critique to Clinton. Even the fiercely anti-Clinton Freeh credited the former president with “one exception,” saying his administration did go after bin Laden “with a salvo of Tomahawk missiles in 1998 in retaliation for the embassy bombings in East Africa.”
The best example of Giuliani’s partisan twist is the USS Cole , which was attacked on October 12, 2000, three weeks before the 2000 election. The 9/11 Commission report found that in the final Clinton months, neither the FBI, then headed by Freeh, nor the CIA had a “definitive answer on the crucial question of outside direction of the attack,” which Clinton said he needed to go to war against bin Laden or the Taliban. The 9/11 Commission report found that in the final Clinton months, neither the FBI, then headed by Freeh, nor the CIA had a “definitive answer on the crucial question of outside direction of the attack,” which Clinton said he needed to go to war against bin Laden or the Taliban. All Clinton got was a December 21 “preliminary judgment” from the CIA that Al Qaeda “supported the attack.” A month later, when the Bush team took office, the CIA delivered the same “preliminary” findings to the new president. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. Bush himself told the commission that he was concerned “lest an ineffective air strike just serve to give bin Laden a propaganda advantage.” With all of this evidence of bipartisan paralysis, Giuliani has nonetheless limited his Cole attack to Clinton.
It is all part of a devoutly partisan exploitation of his 9/11 legend. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. The old evidence that Bush relied on Afghan proxies to capture bin Laden at Tora Bora, and the new evidence that he outsourced him to Pakistani proxies in Waziristan, evokes no Giuliani bark. Imagine if a Democratic president had done that—or had said, as Bush did, that “I just don’t spend that much time” on bin Laden.
At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. He’d seen many close friends buried after 9/11, but his answer had more to do with the November election than the September attack that took their lives.
“They don’t see the threat,” he derides the Democrats wherever he goes, ridiculing even their adjectives. “During the Democratic debates, I couldn’t find one of them that ever mentioned the words ‘Islamic terrorist’—none of them,” he contends. “If you can’t say the words ‘Islamic terrorists,’ then you have a hard time figuring out who is our biggest enemy in the world.”
In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. By focusing on “radical Islam” as opposed to “Islamic terrorism,” the Democrats may actually be avoiding any suggestion that America is engaged in a war against Islam—and even Giuliani would concede that Osama bin Laden is a perversion of Islam. Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission: He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one? Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission : He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one?
BIG LIE
5. ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some. ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some.
The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. Of course, the workers might have noticed that the photo-op mayor never put one on himself. Instead, the other 9/11 visual we all remember is Giuliani leading at Ground Zero by macho example: The most in the way of protective gear he was ever seen wearing was a dust mask on his mouth.
When the cleanup effort was widely hailed as under-budget and ahead of schedule, there was no doubt about who was in charge. “By Day 4,” the New York Times reported in a salute to the “Quick Job” at Ground Zero, “Mr. Giuliani, the Department of Design and Construction (DDC), the Office of Emergency Management, contractors and union officials decided it was time to bring order to the chaos.” Giuliani controlled access to the site as if it were his backyard. Yet, when the scope of the health disaster was clear on the fifth anniversary in 2006, he told ABC: “Everybody’s responsible.” Throwing federal, state, and city agencies into the mix, he diffused the blame. On the Today show the same morning, however, he was more accusatory: “EPA put out statements very, very prominent that you have on tape, that the air was safe, and kept repeating that and kept repeating that.”
The city had its own test results, of course, and when 17 of 87 outdoor tests showed hazardous levels of asbestos up to seven blocks away, they decided not to make the results public. An EPA chief, Bruce Sprague, sent an October 5 letter to the city complaining about “very inconsistent compliance” with respiratory protection. Sprague, who wrote the letter only after unsuccessful conversations with Giuliani aides, likened the indifference in a subsequent court deposition to sticking one’s head “over a barbecue grill for hours” and expecting no consequences. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35,000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored.
A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9/11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders. A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9 /11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders.
Should the current presidential frontrunners square off in 2008, Giuliani’s culpability and subsequent indifference at Ground Zero will, no doubt, be sharply contrasted to Hillary Clinton’s singular role in funding the Mount Sinai programs that have been aiding rescue workers for years. And the public price tag for the mismanagement at the pile (as the site was known among recovery and rescue workers) will run into the billions. Ken Feinberg, who ran the federally funded Victims Compensation Board, has already paid out $1 billion to the injured, concluding after individual hearings that hundreds “were diagnosed with demonstrable and documented respiratory injuries directly related to their rescue service.” Anthony DePalma, whose extraordinary Times stories have lifted the lid on Giuliani’s role, recently reported that the health-care costs for rescue workers could soar to as much as $712 million a year. And the city is administering a billion-dollar liability fund to satisfy the thousands of lawsuits.
Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Asked about the mayor himself, Whitman sputtered: “He was clearly in control and doing a good job. Everyone was applauding what was going on. EPA, we had some disagreements with things that were occurring on the pile, like not having people wear respirators—we wanted more emphasis on that. But overall, you know, it’s hard. Those are emotional times.”
The firefighters’ union pointed out that the respiratory debacle was, like the malfunctioning radios and so many other things, another symbol of the city’s failure to prepare for a major terrorist event. Fire Department memos after the 1993 bombing had urged better protective gear, just as they’d screamed for better radios. The UFA’s leaders pointed out that the department had “ignored many issues related to respiratory protection” for years. The union’s health-and-safety officer, Phil McArdle, likened the long-term effects of working at Ground Zero to Agent Orange in Vietnam. “We’ve done a good job of taking care of the dead,” he said, referring to the hunt for remains, “but such a terrible job of taking care of the living.”
Wayne Barrett is the co-author, with Dan Collins, of Grand Illusion: The Untold Story of Rudy Giuliani and 9/11 , which was just published in paperback by HarperCollins. USA News Section has more related reports Help keep RINF going..
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