Rudy Giuliani’s Five Big Lies About 9/11 Rudy Giuliani de cinco grandes mentiras sobre 9 / 11
On the stump, Rudy can’t help spreading smoke and ashes about his lousy record En el muñón, Rudy no puede ayudar a la difusión de humo y cenizas sobre su pésimo historial
By Por Wayne Barrett Wayne Barrett
Nearly six years after 9/11, Rudy Giuliani is still walking through the canyons of lower Manhattan, covered in soot, pointing north, and leading the nation out of danger’s way. Casi seis años después de 9 / 11, Rudy Giuliani sigue caminando por los cañones del bajo Manhattan, cubierta de hollín, apuntando hacia el norte, y el líder de la nación fuera de peligro del camino. The Republican frontrunner is campaigning for president by evoking that visual at every campaign stop, and he apparently believes it’sa picture worth thousands of nights in the White House. El republicano frontrunner está realizando una campaña para presidente de la evocación visual que en cada campaña de parada, y él cree que se trata de una imagen aparentemente por valor de miles de noches en la Casa Blanca.
Giuliani has been leading the Republican pack for seven months, and predictions that the party’s evangelicals would turn on him have so far proven hollow. Giuliani ha sido el líder republicano pack de siete meses, y las predicciones de que los evangélicos del partido gira en torno a él hasta el momento han demostrado hueco. The religious right appears as gripped by the Giuliani story as the rest of the country. La derecha religiosa aparece como Giuliani atrapada por la historia como en el resto del país.
Giuliani isn’t shy about reminding audiences of those heady days. Giuliani no es tímidos a la hora de recordar a la audiencia de los embriagadora días. In fact he hyperventilates about them on the stump, making his credentials in the so-called war on terror the centerpiece of his campaign. De hecho él hyperventilates sobre ellos en el muñón, haciendo sus credenciales en la llamada guerra contra el terrorismo la pieza central de su campaña. His claims, meanwhile, have been met with a media deference so total that he’s taken to complimenting “the good job it is doing covering the campaign.” Opponents, too, haven’t dared to question his terror credentials, as if doing so would be an unpatriotic bow to Osama bin Laden. Sus reclamaciones, mientras tanto, se han cumplido con un total de los medios de comunicación a fin de deferencia que ha adoptado para complementar "el buen trabajo que está haciendo que cubren la campaña." Oponentes, también, no se han atrevido a cuestionar su terror credenciales, como si haciendo De modo sería un antipatriótico proa a Osama bin Laden.
Here, then, is a less deferential look at the illusory cloud emanating from the former mayor’s campaign . Aquí, entonces, es una deferencia menos mirar la nube de ilusión que emana de la campaña del ex alcalde. . .
BIG LIE1 LIE1. GRANDES LIE1 LIE1. ‘I think the thing that distinguishes me on terrorism is, I have more experience dealing with it.’ This pillar of the Giuliani campaign—asserted by pundits as often as it is by the man himself—is based on the idea that Rudy uniquely understands the terror threat because of his background as a prosecutor and as New York’s mayor. "Creo que la cosa que me distingue sobre el terrorismo es, tengo más experiencia de tratar con ella." Este pilar de la campaña de Giuliani afirmó por expertos de todo tipo-tan a menudo como es por el hombre en sí mismo-se basa en la idea de que únicamente entiende Rudy El terror amenaza a causa de sus antecedentes como fiscal y como el alcalde de Nueva York. In a July appearance at a Maryland synagogue, Giuliani sketched out his counterterrorism biography, a resume that happens to be rooted in falsehood. En apariencia un julio de Maryland en una sinagoga, Giuliani trazado su biografía la lucha contra el terrorismo, un currículum que le sucede a tener sus raíces en la falsedad.
“As United States Attorney, I investigated the Leon Klinghoffer murder by Yasir Arafat,” he told the Jewish audience, referring to the infamous 1985 slaying of a wheelchair-bound, 69-year-old New York businessman aboard the Achille Lauro , an Italian ship hijacked off the coast of Egypt by Palestinian extremists. "Como Fiscal de los Estados Unidos, que investigó el asesinato de Leon Klinghoffer Yasir Arafat", dijo a la audiencia judía, refiriéndose a la infame matanza 1985 de una silla de ruedas, 69 años, hombre de negocios de Nueva York a bordo del Achille Lauro, un italiano Barco secuestrado frente a la costa de Egipto por los extremistas palestinos. “It’s honestly the reason why I knew so much about Arafat,” says Giuliani. "Es la razón por la cual honestamente yo sabía mucho sobre Arafat", dice Giuliani. “I knew, in detail, the Americans he murdered. "Sabía que, en detalle, los americanos le asesinaron. I went over their cases.” Fui sobre sus casos. "
On the contrary, Victoria Toensing, the deputy assistant attorney general at the Justice Department in Washington who filed a criminal complaint in the Lauro investigation, says that no one in Giuliani’s office “was involved at all.” Jay Fischer, the Klinghoffer family attorney who spearheaded a 12-year lawsuit against the PLO, says he “never had any contact” with Giuliani or his office. Por el contrario, Victoria Toensing, el asistente de fiscal general adjunto en el Departamento de Justicia en Washington, que presentó una denuncia penal en la investigación Lauro, dice que nadie en la oficina de Giuliani "estuvo involucrado en absoluto." Jay Fischer, la familia Klinghoffer Encabezado un abogado de 12 años demanda contra la OLP, dice que "nunca tuvo ningún contacto" con Giuliani o su oficina. “It would boggle my mind if anyone in 1985, 1986, 1987, or thereafter conducted an investigation of this case and didn’t call me,” he adds. "Es boggle mi opinión si alguien en 1985, 1986, 1987, o posteriormente llevó a cabo una investigación de este caso y no me llamen", añade. Fischer says he did have a private dinner with Giuliani in 1992: “It was the first time we talked, and we didn’t even talk about the Klinghoffer case then.” Fischer dice que él tenía una cena privada con Giuliani, en 1992: "Es la primera vez que hablamos, y ni siquiera hablar sobre el caso Klinghoffer entonces".
The dinner was arranged by Arnold Burns, a close friend of Fischer and Giuliani who also represented the Klinghoffer family. La cena fue organizada por Arnold Burns, un amigo de Fischer y Giuliani, que también representó a la familia Klinghoffer. Burns, who was also the finance chair of Giuliani’s mayoral campaign, was the deputy US attorney general in 1985 and oversaw the probe. Burns, que era también el presidente de finanzas de la alcaldía de Giuliani campaña, fue el fiscal general adjunto EE.UU. en 1985 y supervisó la sonda. “I know of nothing Rudy did in any shape or form on the Klinghoffer case,” he says. "Sé que nada de Rudy hizo en cualquiera de sus formas, en el caso Klinghoffer", dice.
Though Giuliani told the Conservative Political Action conference in March that he “prosecuted a lot of crime—a little bit of terrorism, but mostly organized crime,” he actually worked only one major terrorism case as US Attorney, indicting 10 arms dealers for selling $2.5 billion worth of anti-tank missiles, bombs, and fighter jets to Iran in 1986. Aunque Giuliani dijo a la conferencia de Acción Política Conservadora, en marzo de que "una gran cantidad de procesados del delito-un poco de terrorismo, pero sobre todo la delincuencia organizada," que efectivamente trabajadas sólo uno de los principales caso como el terrorismo EE.UU. Abogado, 10 acusar a los traficantes de armas para la venta de $ 2.5 Millones de misiles antitanque, bombas, y aviones de combate a Irán en 1986. The judge in the case ruled that a sale to Iran violated terrorist statutes because its government had been tied to 87 terrorist incidents. El juez dictaminó en el caso de que una venta a Irán de terrorismo violan los estatutos, porque su gobierno ha sido vinculado a 87 incidentes terroristas. Giuliani has never mentioned the case, perhaps because he personally filed papers terminating it in his last month as US Attorney: A critical witness had died, and a judge tossed out 46 of the 55 counts because of errors by Giuliani’s office. Giuliani nunca ha mencionado el caso, tal vez porque él personalmente presentó los documentos de darlo por terminado en su último mes como EE.UU. Fiscal: Una crítica testigo había muerto, y un juez echados a cabo 46 de los 55 porque de los errores de la oficina de Giuliani.
“Then, as mayor of New York,” Giuliani’s July speech continued, “I got elected right after the 1993 Islamic terrorist attack . "Entonces, como alcalde de Nueva York," Giuliani en julio discurso continuó, "Tengo derecho elegidos después de 1993 el ataque terrorista islámico. . . I set up emergency plans for all the different possible attacks we could have. He definido los planes de emergencia para todas las diferentes posibles ataques que podríamos tener. We had drills and exercises preparing us for sarin gas and anthrax, dirty bombs.” Tuvimos simulacros y ejercicios de preparación para el gas sarin y el ántrax, las bombas sucias ".
In fact, Giuliani was oblivious to the 1993 World Trade Center bombing throughout his mayoralty. De hecho, Giuliani fue ajeno a las 1993 World Trade Center bombardeos a lo largo de su alcaldía. A month after the attack, candidate Giuliani met for the first time with Bill Bratton, who would ultimately become his police commissioner. Un mes después del ataque, el candidato Giuliani se reunió por primera vez con Bill Bratton, quien se convertiría en su última instancia, comisario de policía. The lengthy taped meeting was one of several policy sessions he had with unofficial advisers. La larga reunión fue grabada una de las varias sesiones de la política que tuvo con los asesores no oficiales. The bombing never came up; neither did terrorism. El bombardeo nunca ocurrió; tampoco el terrorismo. When Giuliani was elected a few months later, he immediately launched a search for a new police commissioner. Cuando Giuliani fue elegido unos meses más tarde, se inició de inmediato la búsqueda de un nuevo comisionado de policía. Three members of the screening panel that Giuliani named to conduct the search, and four of the candidates interviewed for the job, said later that the bombing and terrorism were never mentioned—even when the new mayor got involved with the interviews himself. Tres miembros del grupo seleccionador que Giuliani llamado para llevar a cabo la búsqueda, y cuatro de los candidatos entrevistados para el trabajo, dijo más tarde que el atentado y el terrorismo nunca se mencionó-incluso cuando el nuevo alcalde se involucró con las entrevistas a sí mismo. When Giuliani needed an emergency management director a couple of years later, two candidates for the job and the city official who spearheaded that search said that the bombing and future terrorist threats weren’t on Giuliani’s radar. Cuando Giuliani necesitaba un director de gestión de emergencias de un par de años más tarde, dos candidatos para el puesto de trabajo y la ciudad oficial que encabezaron búsqueda que dice que los bombardeos y las amenazas terroristas en el futuro no se Giuliani en el radar. The only time Giuliani invoked the 1993 bombing publicly was at his inauguration in 1994, when he referred to the way the building’s occupants evacuated themselves as a metaphor for personal responsibility, ignoring the bombing itself as a terrorist harbinger. La única vez Giuliani invocado públicamente los bombardeos de 1993 se encontraba en su toma de posesión en 1994, cuando se refirió a la forma del edificio, los ocupantes evacuados a sí mismos como una metáfora de la responsabilidad personal, haciendo caso omiso de los bombardeos terroristas en sí como un heraldo.
US Attorney Mary Jo White and the four assistants who prosecuted the 1993 bombing said they were never asked to brief Giuliani about terrorism, though all of the assistants knew Giuliani personally and had actually been hired by him when he was the US Attorney. EE.UU. Fiscal Mary Jo White y asistentes de los cuatro procesados que el bombardeo de 1993 dice que nunca se preguntó Giuliani para informar sobre el terrorismo, a pesar de todos los asistentes sabían Giuliani personalmente y de hecho han sido contratados por él cuando se los EE.UU. Fiscal. White’s office, located just a couple hundred yards from City Hall, indicted bin Laden three years before 9/11, but Giuliani recounted in his own book, Leadership , that “shortly after 9/11, Judith [Nathan] got me a copy of Yossef Bodansky’s Bin Laden: The Man Who Declared War on America ,” which had warned of “spectacular terrorist strikes in Washington and/or New York” in 1999. La oficina de Blanco, situado a sólo un par de cientos de metros de la ciudad de Hall, acusados de bin Laden tres años antes de 9 / 11, pero Giuliani relató en su propio libro, Liderazgo, que "poco después del 9 / 11, Judith [Nathan] se me Yossef Bodansky copia de la de Bin Laden: El hombre que declaró la guerra a América ", que había advertido de" espectaculares ataques terroristas en Washington y Nueva York "en 1999. As an example of how he “mastered a subject,” Giuliani wrote that he soon “covered” Bodansky’s prophetic work “in highlighter and notes.” Como un ejemplo de la forma en que él "domina un tema," Giuliani escribió que él pronto "cubiertos" Bodansky del trabajo profético "en rotulador y observa."
The 1995 sarin-gas drill that Giuliani cited in his July speech was also prophetic, anticipating many of the breakdowns that hampered the city’s 9/11 response. 1995-El gas sarin taladro que Giuliani citó en su discurso de Julio también fue profético, anticipando muchas de las fallas que obstaculizan la ciudad del 9 / 11 la respuesta. The drill was such a disaster that a follow-up exercise was cancelled to avoid embarrassment. El simulacro de un desastre era tal que una actividad de seguimiento se canceló para evitar la vergüenza. More than a hundred of the first responders rushed in so recklessly that they were “killed” by exposure to the gas. Más de un centenar de los primeros en precipitarse temerariamente en la que estaban "muertos" por la exposición al gas. Radio communications were described in the city’s own report as “abysmal,” with police and fire “operating on different frequencies.” The command posts were located much too close to the incident. Radio comunicaciones se describen en el informe de la propia ciudad como "abismal", con la policía y los bomberos "que operan en diferentes frecuencias." Los puestos de mando se encuentra demasiado cerca del incidente. All three failings would be identified years later in official reviews of the 9/11 response. Los tres fallos se identificó años después, en los exámenes oficiales de la 9 / 11 de respuesta.
Giuliani went on, in this stump speech, to list other examples of his mayoral experience confronting terrorism. Giuliani pasó en este discurso muñón, a la lista de otros ejemplos de su experiencia frente a la alcaldía el terrorismo. There was the time, he says, “we had what we thought was a sarin gas attack.” And there were also the 50th anniversary commemoration of the United Nations and the 2000 millennium celebration to contend with, times, he said, “when we had a lot of warnings and had to do a tremendous amount to prepare.” And let’s not forget, he pointed out, the 1997 NYPD arrest of two terrorists who “were going to blow up a subway station.” Giuliani used this thwarted attack as proof of the city’s readiness: “A very, very alert young police officer saw those guys,” he said. Era el momento, dice, "hemos tenido lo que pensábamos era un ataque con gas sarin. 2000 a la celebración del milenio frente, los tiempos, dice," cuando Había un montón de advertencias y tenía que hacer una enorme cantidad de preparar. "Y no olvidemos, señaló, NYPD 1997 la detención de dos terroristas que" se va a volar una estación de metro ". Giuliani utilizado este frustrado Ataque como prueba de la disposición de la ciudad: "Un muy, muy alerta joven agente de policía vio los chicos", dijo. “They looked suspicious, [so he] reported them to the desk sergeant. "Se veían sospechosas, [así que] informó a la mesa de sargento. The police department executed a warrant and shot one of the men as he was about to hit a toggle switch.” El departamento de policía ejecutó una orden y dispararon a uno de los hombres como él estaba a punto de cambiar bateó un interruptor ".
Each of the claims in Giuliani’s self-serving account is inaccurate. Cada una de las reclamaciones de Giuliani de egoístas cuenta es inexacta. The supposed “sarin attack” was simply the discovery of an empty canister marked “sarin” in the home of a harmless Queens recluse. La supuesta "sarin ataque" era simplemente el descubrimiento de un frasco vacío marcado "sarin" en la casa de un inofensivo Queens solitario. It was sitting next to an identical container labeled “compressed air” with a smiley-face logo. Se estaba sentado junto a un contenedor idéntico llamado "aire comprimido" con una carita sonriente logotipo. Jerry Hauer, the city’s emergency management director at the time, was in London, on the phone with Giuliani constantly. Jerry Hauer, la ciudad del director de gestión de emergencias en el momento, fue en Londres, en el teléfono constantemente, con Giuliani. Hauer finds it ironic that Giuliani is still talking about the incident, since they both thought it was “comically” mishandled then. Hauer considera irónico que Giuliani todavía está hablando sobre el incidente, ya que ambos pensaban que era "comically" mal entonces. “The police went there without any suits on and touched all the containers without proper clothing. "La policía fueron allí sin ningún tipo de trajes y tocó en todos los contenedores sin la debida vestimenta. They turned it into a major crime scene, with a hundred cops lining the street. Se convirtió en un gran escenario del delito, con un centenar de policías revestimiento de la calle. Rudy at one point said to me, ‘Here we have the mayor, the fire commissioner, the chief of the police department, and one of my deputy mayors standing on the front lawn of this house. Rudy, en un momento me dijo: "Aquí tenemos el alcalde, el comisionado de fuego, el jefe del departamento de policía, y uno de mis alcaldes auxiliares de pie en el césped delante de la casa. Shouldn’t we be across the street in case this stuff ignites?’” This overhyped emergency led to a misdemeanor arrest subsequently dismissed by the district attorney. ¿No tenemos que ser a través de la calle en caso de que este material se inflama? "" Esta overhyped llevado de emergencia a un delito menor de detención posteriormente desestimada por el fiscal de distrito.
Similarly, the security concerns during the 1995 UN anniversary focused on Cuba and China and didn’t involve Arab terrorist threats. Del mismo modo, las preocupaciones de seguridad durante el 1995 aniversario de la ONU se centró en Cuba y China, y no involucrar amenazas terroristas árabes. The millennium target, well established at subsequent trials, was the Los Angeles International Airport, not New York. El objetivo del milenio, bien establecida en ensayos posteriores, fue el Aeropuerto Internacional de Los Ángeles, no en Nueva York. While there’s no doubt the Clinton administration did put the country and city on terrorist alert for Y2K and other reasons, it was an arrest on the Washington/Canadian border that busted up a West Coast plot. Si bien no hay duda alguna de que la administración Clinton hizo poner el país y la ciudad de alerta terrorista para el Y2K y otras razones, se trata de una detención, el de Washington / frontera canadiense que busted una parcela Costa Oeste.
The subway bombing, meanwhile, wasn’t stymied by the NYPD. El atentado del metro, mientras tanto, no fue bloqueado por la policía de Nueva York. An Egyptian friend of the bomber—living with him in the apartment where the pipe bomb was being built—told two Long Island Rail Road police officers about it. Un egipcio amigo de la bomba-que viven con él en el apartamento donde la tubería se está construyendo con bomba-le dijo a dos Long Island Rail Road oficiales de la policía acerca de ella. When the NYPD subsequently raided the apartment, they shot two Palestinians who were there—one of whom, hit five times and gravely wounded, was later acquitted at trial. Cuando la policía de Nueva York posteriormente allanaron el apartamento, dispararon a dos palestinos que estaban allí-uno de los cuales, cinco veces golpeado y gravemente herido, fue posteriormente absuelto en el juicio. No one had tried to set off the bomb at the time of the arrest, though news stories reported that; the bomber had reached for an officer’s gun, according to the trial testimony. Nadie había tratado de estallar la bomba en el momento de la detención, a pesar de las noticias informaron de que la bomba que había llegado para un oficial del arma de fuego, según el testimonio de juicio. The news stories also initially suggested a link to Hamas, though the lone bomber was actually an amateur fanatic with no money and no network. Las noticias también sugirió inicialmente un enlace a Hamas, aunque el único bombardero fue realmente un aficionado fanático, sin dinero y sin red. As conservative a source as Bill Gertz of The Washington Times wrote that FBI counterterrorism investigators were “concerned that the initial alarmist statements about the case made by Mayor Rudy Giuliani”—apparently a reference to leaks about Hamas and the toggle switch—”will prove embarrassing.” Como conservador como una fuente de Bill Gertz The Washington Times escribió que los investigadores de la lucha contra el terrorismo del FBI se "preocupa el hecho de que las primeras declaraciones alarmistas sobre el caso hecha por el alcalde Rudy Giuliani"-aparentemente una referencia a las filtraciones sobre Hamas y el interruptor de activar / desactivar "será embarazoso ".
Giuliani’s terrorism biography is bunk. Giuliani biografía del terrorismo es litera. As mayor, his laser-beam focus was street thugs, and as a prosecutor, it was the mob, Wall Street, and crooked politicians. Como alcalde, su haz de láser se centrará calle matones, y como fiscal, que era la mafia, Wall Street, y los políticos deshonestos. He can’t reach back to those years and rewrite such well-known chapters of his life. Él no puede llegar de nuevo a esos años y de reescritura tan conocidos capítulos de su vida.
BIG LIE BIG LIE
2. 2. ‘I don’t think there was anyplace in the country, including the federal government, that was as well prepared for that attack as New York City was in 2001.’ This assertion flies in the face of all three studies of the city’s response—the 9/11 Commission, the National Institute of Standards & Technology (NIST), and McKinsey & Co., the consulting firm hired by the Bloomberg administration. "No creo que fue en cualquier lugar del país, incluido el gobierno federal, que era el bien preparados para ese ataque como la ciudad de Nueva York fue en 2001." Esta afirmación va en contra de los tres estudios de la ciudad La respuesta-9 / 11 Comisión, el Instituto Nacional de Estándares y Tecnología (NIST), y McKinsey & Co, la empresa consultora contratada por la administración Bloomberg.
Actually, Giuliani didn’t create the OEM until three years after the 1993 bombing, 27 months into his term. De hecho, Giuliani no creó la OEM hasta tres años después de los bombardeos de 1993, 27 meses después de su término. And he didn’t open the OEM’s new emergency command center until the end of 1999—nearly six years after he’d taken office. Y él no se ha abierto el OEM es nuevo centro de comando de emergencia hasta finales de 1999, casi seis años después de que él había asumido su cargo. If he “assumed from the moment I came into office that NYC would be the subject of a terrorist attack,” as he told Time when it made him “Person of the Year” in 2001, he sure took a long time to erect what he describes as the city’s front line of defense. Si él "asumió desde el momento en que entró en funciones la ciudad de Nueva York que sería objeto de un ataque terrorista", como le dijo a tiempo cuando se le hizo "Persona del Año" en 2001, seguro de que tomó mucho tiempo para levantar lo que él Describe como la ciudad de la primera línea de defensa.
The OEM was established so long after the bombing because, contrary to Giuliani’s revisionism, the decision to create it had nothing to do with the bombing. La OEM se estableció tanto tiempo después de los bombardeos, ya que, contrariamente a Giuliani del revisionismo, la decisión de crear no tiene nada que ver con el atentado. Several memos, unearthed from the Giuliani archive and going on at great length, reveal that the initial rationale for the agency was “non-law enforcement events,” particularly the handling of a Brooklyn water-main break shortly after he took office that the mayor thought had been botched. Varias notas, desenterrados del archivo Giuliani y pasa a fondo, ponen de manifiesto que la razón inicial para la agencia fue "la no aplicación de la ley eventos", en particular la tramitación de un agua-Brooklyn principales romper poco después de su toma de posesión que el alcalde Pensamiento había sido frustrado. Before that, in December 1994, when an unemployed computer programmer carried a bomb onto a subway in an extortion plot against the Transit Authority, Giuliani was upset that he couldn’t even get a count of patients from the responding services for his press conference. Antes de eso, en diciembre de 1994, cuando un desempleado programador de computadoras a cargo de una bomba en un metro en una trama de extorsión en contra de la Autoridad de Tránsito, Giuliani fue disgustado de que no podía incluso obtener un recuento de los pacientes de los servicios de responder por su conferencia de prensa.
Jerry Hauer, who was handpicked by Giuliani to head the OEM, testified before the 9/11 Commission that Giuliani was “unable to get the full story” at the firebombing and “heard about the huge street collapse” that followed the water-main break “on TV,” adding: “That’s what led the mayor to set up OEM.” Hauer went through five interviews for the job, and the only time terrorism came up was when Giuliani briefly discussed the failed sarin-gas drill. Jerry Hauer, que estaba a mano por Giuliani a la cabeza OEM, declararon ante el 9 / 11 Comisión de que Giuliani fue "no se puede obtener la continuación de la historia", en la bombas y "oído hablar de la enorme caída de calle" que siguió a la ruptura de agua principal - "En la TV", agregando: "Eso es lo que llevó al alcalde de crear OEM". Hauer fue a través de cinco entrevistas para el puesto de trabajo, y la única vez que el terrorismo surgió cuando Giuliani se examinan brevemente a la no-gas sarin taladro. He even met with Giuliani’s wife, Donna Hanover; no one said a word about the 1993 bombing. Incluso se reunió con la esposa de Giuliani, Donna Hanover, y nadie dijo una palabra sobre el bombardeo de 1993. Hauer’s own memos at the time the OEM was launched in 1996 emphasize “the visibility of the mayor” during emergencies (rather than the police commissioner) as a major objective of the agency. Hauer propios de memos en el momento de la OEM se inició en 1996 hacen hincapié en "la visibilidad de la alcaldesa" durante las situaciones de emergencia (en lugar del comisario de policía) como uno de los principales objetivos de la agencia. The now- ballyhooed new office was, however, so underfunded from the start that Hauer could only hire staffers whose salaries would be paid for by other agencies like the NYPD. El ahora-ballyhooed nueva oficina fue, sin embargo, de manera insuficiente desde el principio que Hauer sólo podía contratar personal cuyos sueldos serían pagados por otros organismos como la policía de Nueva York.
With that kind of history, it’s hardly surprising that the OEM was anything but “invaluable” on 9/11. Con ese tipo de historia, es de extrañar que la OEM, pero fue algo "muy valioso" en el 9 / 11. Sam Caspersen, one of the principal authors of the 9/11 Commission’s chapter on the city’s response, says that “nothing was happening at OEM” during the 102 minutes of the attack that had any direct impact on the city’s “rescue/evacuation operation.” A commission staff statement found that, even prior to the evacuation of the OEM command center at 7 World Trade an hour after the first plane hit, the agency “did not play an integral role” in the response. Sam Caspersen, uno de los principales autores del 9 / 11 Comisión capítulo sobre la respuesta de la ciudad, dice que "nada está sucediendo en OEM" durante los 102 minutos de que el ataque tuvo ningún impacto directo en la ciudad "El rescate y la evacuación operación." Una declaración personal de la comisión encontró que, incluso antes de la evacuación de la OEM en el centro a las 7 Mundial del Comercio una hora después de que el primer avión golpeó, la agencia "no desempeñar un papel integral" en la respuesta. Despite Giuliani’s claim today that he and the OEM were “constantly planning for different kinds” of attacks, none of the OEM exercises replicated the 1993 bombing. A pesar de Giuliani de la reclamación de hoy que él y el OEM eran "constantemente la planificación de diferentes tipos" de los ataques, ninguno de los ejercicios OEM repetirse el bombardeo de 1993. No drill occurred at the World Trade Center, and none involved the response to a high-rise fire anywhere. No perforar ocurrido en el World Trade Center, y ninguno de ellos participan de la respuesta a un alto el fuego en cualquier lugar. In fact, the OEM had no high-rise plan—its emergency-management trainers weren’t even assigned to prepare for the one attack that had already occurred, and the one most likely to recur. De hecho, el OEM no tienen gran altura de su plan de emergencia de la gestión de los instructores ni siquiera asignado para preparar un ataque que ya ha ocurrido, y el más probable que vuelva a producirse. Kevin Culley, a Fire Department captain who worked as a field responder at OEM, said the agency had “plans for minor emergencies,” but he couldn’t recall “anybody anticipating another attack like the ‘93 bombing.” Kevin Culley, un capitán del Departamento de Bomberos que trabajaron como un campo de respuesta en OEM, dijo que el organismo había "planes para emergencias menores", pero no podía recordar "nadie previsión de otro ataque como el 93 de bombardeo."
Instead of being the best-prepared city, New York’s lack of unified command, as well as the breakdown of communications between the police and fire departments, fell far short of the efforts at the Pentagon that day, as later established by the 9/11 Commission and NIST reports. En lugar de ser la ciudad mejor preparada, Nueva York, la falta de mando unificado, así como la ruptura de las comunicaciones entre la policía y los departamentos de bomberos, muy lejos de los esfuerzos en el Pentágono ese día, más tarde, como establecido por el 9 / 11 informes de la Comisión y NIST. When the 280,000-member International Association of Fire Fighters recently released a powerful video assailing Giuliani for sticking firefighters with the same radios that “we knew didn’t work” in the 1993 attack, the presidential campaign attacked the union. Cuando los 280.000 miembros de la Asociación Internacional de Bomberos Fighters publicado recientemente un poderoso video assailing Giuliani por aguantar los bomberos con la misma radio que "sabíamos que no funcionó" en el ataque de 1993, la campaña presidencial atacaron el sindicato. “This is an organization that supported John Kerry for president in 2004,” Giuliani aide Tony Carbonetti said. "Esta es una organización que apoya John Kerry para presidente en 2004," aide Giuliani dijo Tony Carbonetti. “So it’s no shock that they’re out there going after a credible Republican.” While the IAFF did endorse Kerry, the Uniformed Firefighters of Greater New York, whose president starred in the video, endorsed Bush. "Así que no es de choque que está pasando ahí fuera creíble después de un republicano." Aunque la IAFF hizo suya Kerry, la Uniformada Bomberos de la Gran Nueva York, cuyo presidente estrella en el vídeo, Bush hizo suyas. Its former president, Tom Von Essen—currently a member of Giuliani Partners—was the fire commissioner on 9/11 precisely because the union had played such a pivotal role in initially electing Giuliani. Su ex presidente, Tom Von Essen-actualmente miembro de Giuliani Partners-fue el comisionado de fuego 9 / 11, precisamente, porque el sindicato había desempeñado un papel fundamental en la elección de Giuliani inicialmente.
The IAFF video reports that 121 firefighters in the north tower didn’t get out because they didn’t hear evacuation orders, rejecting Giuliani’s claim before the 9/11 Commission that the firefighters heard the orders and heroically decided to “stand their ground” and rescue civilians. La IAFF video informa que 121 bomberos en la torre norte no salir porque no escuchar las órdenes de evacuación, el rechazo de la reclamación de Giuliani antes del 9 / 11 que la Comisión escuchó las órdenes de los bomberos y heroicamente decidió "permanecer en sus puestos "Rescate y civiles. Having abandoned that 2004 contention, the Giuliani campaign is now trying to blame the deadly communications lapse on the repeaters, which were installed to boost radio signals in the towers. Después de haber abandonado la discordia que en 2004, la campaña de Giuliani está ahora tratando de culpar a los mortales en el lapso de comunicaciones repetidores, que se instalaron para impulsar señales de radio en las torres. But the commission concluded that the “technical failure of FDNY radios” was “a contributing factor,” though “not the primary cause,” of the “many firefighter fatalities in the North Tower.” The commission compared “the strength” of the NYPD and FDNY radios and said that the weaknesses of the FDNY radios “worked against successful communication.” No obstante, la comisión llegó a la conclusión de que el "fallo técnico de FDNY radios" fue "un factor contribuyente", aunque "no la causa principal", la de "muchas víctimas mortales bombero en la Torre Norte." La comisión comparó "la fortaleza" de la policía de Nueva York FDNY y radios y dice que los puntos débiles del FDNY radios "en contra de éxito de la comunicación."
The commission report also found that “it’s impossible to know what difference it made that units in the North Tower weren’t using the repeater channel,” because no one knows if it “remained operational” after the collapse of the south tower, which fell on the trade-center facilities where the repeater and its console were located. El informe de la comisión también consideró que "es imposible saber lo que hizo que la diferencia de unidades en la Torre Norte no utilizaban el repetidor de canal", porque no se sabe si "sigue siendo operativo", después de la caída de la torre sur, , Que cayeron sobre el comercio de centro de las instalaciones donde el repetidor y su consola se encuentra. The collapse also drove everyone out of the north tower lobby, leaving no one to operate the repeater console. El colapso también llevó a cabo cada uno de la torre norte, vestíbulo, dejando a nadie para utilizar el repetidor de la consola. In addition, the commission concluded that fire chiefs failed to turn on the repeater correctly that morning—another indication of the lack of training and drills at the WTC between the attacks. Además, la comisión llegó a la conclusión de que los jefes de fuego no se enciende el repetidor correctamente que mañana-otro indicio de la falta de capacitación y simulacros en el WTC entre los ataques. In the end, firefighters had to rely exclusively on their radios, and the inability of the Giuliani administration to find a replacement for the radios that malfunctioned in 1993 left them unable to talk to each other, even about getting out of a tower on the verge of collapse. Al final, los bomberos tuvieron que depender exclusivamente de sus radios, y la incapacidad de la administración Giuliani para encontrar un reemplazo para las radios que fracasaron en 1993 los dejó incapaces de hablar entre sí, incluso para salir de una torre al borde Del colapso.
The mayor had also done nothing to make the radios interoperable—which would have enabled the police and firefighters to communicate across departmental lines—despite having received a 1995 federal waiver granting the city the additional radio frequencies to make that possible. El alcalde también ha hecho nada para hacer interoperables las radios-que habría permitido a la policía y bomberos para comunicarse a través de líneas departamentales-a pesar de haber recibido una exención federal de 1995 la concesión de la ciudad las nuevas frecuencias de radio para hacerlo posible. That meant the fire chiefs had no idea that police helicopters had anticipated the partial collapse of both towers long before they fell. Esto significa el fuego jefes no tenía idea de que los helicópteros de la policía había anticipado el colapso parcial de las dos torres de largo antes de que se cayó.
It’s not just the radios and the OEM: Giuliani never forced the police and fire departments to abide by clear command-and-control protocols that squarely put one service in charge of the other during specified emergencies. No es sólo la radio y la OEM: Giuliani nunca obligó a la policía y los departamentos de bomberos a cumplir claro de comando y de control de protocolos que poner un servicio de lleno a su cargo las emergencias durante especificado. Though he collected $250 million in tax surcharges on phone use to improve the 911 system, he diverted this emergency funding for other uses, and the 911 dispatchers were an utter disaster that day, telling victims to stay where they were long after the fire chiefs had ordered an evacuation, which potentially sealed the fates of hundreds. A pesar de que había recaudado $ 250 millones en recargos de impuestos sobre el uso de los teléfonos para mejorar el sistema del 911, que este desviado fondos de emergencia para otros usos, y 911 despachadores son un desastre total, ese mismo día, diciendo a las víctimas a permanecer donde estaban mucho después de que el fuego había jefes Ordenó una evacuación que, potencialmente, selló el destino de cientos. And, despite the transparent lessons of 1993, Giuliani never established any protocols for rooftop or elevator rescues in high-rises, or even a strategy for bringing the impaired and injured out—all costly failings on 9/11. Y, a pesar de la transparencia de las lecciones de 1993, Giuliani nunca establecido protocolos para cualquier azotea o rescates en ascensores rascacielos, o incluso una estrategia para lo que el perjudicado y lesionado a cabo-todos los costosos fallos en el 9 / 11.
But perhaps the best evidence of the Giuliani administration’s lack of readiness was that no one at its top levels had a top-secret security clearance on 9/11. Pero quizá la mejor prueba de la administración Giuliani, la falta de preparación es que nadie en su parte superior tiene un nivel superior de seguridad secreto en el 9 / 11. Hauer, who had left the OEM in 2000 to become a top biochemical adviser at the US Department of Health and Human Services, was invited to Gracie Mansion within days of 9/11 for a strategy session with Giuliani and a half-dozen of his top advisers, including Police Commissioner Bernie Kerik, Tom Von Essen, and Richie Sheirer, who succeeded Hauer at the OEM. Hauer, que había salido de la OEM en 2000 para convertirse en una de las principales bioquímicos asesor en los EE.UU. Departamento de Salud y Servicios Humanos, fue invitado a Gracie Mansion a los pocos días del 9 / 11 para una sesión de estrategia de Giuliani y con una media docena de sus principales Asesores, incluido el Comisionado de Policía de Bernie Kerik, Tom Von Essen, y Richie Sheirer, quien logró Hauer en el OEM. Hauer, who had the highest-level clearance, says that “no one else in the room had one at all.” He was told that the FBI “was trying to get them expedited clearances.” Hauer, que tuvieron el más alto nivel de limpieza, dice que "nadie más en la habitación había una en todo." Se le dijo que el FBI "estaba tratando de obtener las certificaciones acelerado".
Hauer had previously taken Sheirer down to the White House to meet with top counterterrorism brass and learned on his way into the meeting that Sheirer hadn’t “filled out the questionnaire.” When Kerik’s nomination as homeland security secretary blew up in 2004, news accounts also indicated that he’d never filled it out. Hauer Sheirer había adoptado anteriormente a la Casa Blanca para reunirse con parte superior de latón y de la lucha contra el terrorismo aprendido en su camino en la reunión que no habían Sheirer "llenaron el cuestionario. 2004, Noticias también indicó que las cuentas que nunca se llena. Von Essen was so out of the loop that he said that prior to 9/11, he was told “nothing at all,” and that he started hearing “talk of an organization called al Qaeda and a man named Osama bin Laden” a few hours after the attack. Von Essen fue tan fuera del bucle que, según dijo, que antes de 9 / 11, se le dijo "nada en absoluto", y que comenzó a escuchar "hablar de una organización llamada Al-Qaida y un hombre llamado Osama bin Laden" unos pocos Horas después del ataque. “It meant nothing to me,” he wrote in his own book. "Esto significa nada para mí", escribió en su libro.
“I was reading the daily intelligence in Washington,” Hauer recalled, “and I didn’t feel comfortable talking about things that people weren’t cleared for. "Yo estaba leyendo el diario de inteligencia en Washington", recordó Hauer ", y no me siento cómodo hablando de las cosas que la gente no se liquidaron. Talking in general with Rudy one-on-one was one thing, but talking to Richie and Bernie and Tommy violated my security clearances.” Though Giuliani’s top team had failed to seek the clearances they needed prior to 9/11, Kerik and Giuliani attacked the FBI for not sharing information with local law enforcement officials when they testified a month after the attack at a House subcommittee hearing. Hablando en general, con Rudy uno-a-uno es una cosa, pero hablando con Bernie y Richie y Tommy violado mi seguridad. "Aunque Giuliani arriba del equipo no había que buscar las autorizaciones necesarias antes de 9 / 11, Kerik y Giuliani atacó el FBI para no compartir la información con los funcionarios locales de aplicación de la ley cuando testificó un mes después del ataque en una Cámara subcomité audiencia.
BIG LIE BIG LIE
3. 3. Don’t blame me for 7 WTC, Rudy says. In response to his critics’ most damning sound bite, Giuliani is attempting to blame a once-valued aide for the decision to put his prized, $61 million emergency-command center in the World Trade Center, an obvious terrorist target. No me culpen de WTC 7, dice Rudy. En respuesta a sus críticos más abrumador sonido mordida, Giuliani está tratando de culpar una vez valorados aide de la decisión de poner su preciada, $ 61 millones para casos de emergencia centro de comando en el Mundo Trade Center, un claro objetivo terrorista. The 1997 decision had dire consequences on 9/11, when the city had to mobilize a response without any operational center. La decisión de 1997 tuvo consecuencias nefastas sobre 9 / 11, cuando la ciudad tuvo que movilizar una respuesta sin ningún tipo de centro operacional.
“My director of emergency management recommended 7 WTC” as “the site that would make the most sense,” Giuliani told Chris Wallace’s Fox News Channel show in May, pinpointing Jerry Hauer as the culprit. "Mi director de gestión de emergencias recomendada 7 WTC" como "el sitio que haría que el más sentido", dijo Giuliani Chris Wallace de Fox News Channel presenta en mayo, localizando Jerry Hauer como culpable.
Wallace confronted Giuliani, however, with a 1996 Hauer memo recommending that the bunker be sited at MetroTech in Brooklyn, close to where the Bloomberg administration eventually built one. Wallace enfrenta Giuliani, sin embargo, con un memo de 1996, Hauer, que se recomienda que el búnker se encuentra a MetroTech en Brooklyn, cerca de donde la administración Bloomberg finalmente construido. The mayor brushed the memo aside, continuing to insist that Hauer had picked it as “the prime site.” The campaign then put out statements from a former deputy mayor who said that Hauer had supported the trade-center location at a high-level meeting with the mayor in 1997. El alcalde se rozan el memo de lado, seguían insistiendo en que se había recuperado Hauer como "el primer sitio." La campaña luego apagar las declaraciones de un ex teniente de alcalde, quien dijo que había apoyado la Hauer comercio ubicación en el centro de una reunión de alto nivel Con el alcalde en 1997.
Hauer doesn’t dispute that he eventually backed the 7 WTC location, but he clearly favored MetroTech. Hauer no niega que el respaldo que, eventualmente, el WTC 7 ubicación, pero claramente a favor de MetroTech. His memo said that MetroTech “could be available in six months,” while it took four and a half more years to get the bunker up and running at 7 WTC. Su memo dice que MetroTech "podría estar disponible en seis meses", al tiempo que se tardaba entre cuatro y medio años más para obtener el búnker en marcha a las 7 de WTC. He said that MetroTech was secure and “not as visible a target as buildings in Lower Manhattan”— a prophetic comparison. Dijo que MetroTech es seguro y "no tan visible como un objetivo edificios en el Bajo Manhattan" - una comparación profética. Listing eight positives about MetroTech, the memo also mentioned negatives, but said they weren’t insurmountable. Listado de ocho positivos sobre MetroTech, el memo mencionó también los negativos, pero dijo que no son insuperables. “The real issue,” Hauer concluded, “is whether or not the mayor wants to go across the river to manage an incident. "El verdadero problema", concluyó Hauer, "si es o no el alcalde quiere ir al otro lado del río para la gestión de un incidente. If he is willing to do this, MetroTech is a good alternative.” Notes from meetings indicate that Hauer continued to push MetroTech in the discussions with the mayor and his top deputy. Si él está dispuesto a hacer esto, MetroTech es una buena alternativa. "Notas de las reuniones indican que Hauer sigue empujar MetroTech en las conversaciones con el alcalde y su adjunto arriba.
But Hauer says Denny Young, the mayor’s alter ego, who has worked at his side for nearly three decades, eventually “made it very clear” that Giuliani wanted “to be able to walk to this facility quickly.” That meant the bunker had to be in lower Manhattan. Pero Hauer dice Denny Young, el alter ego del alcalde, que ha trabajado a su lado durante cerca de tres décadas, a la larga "dejó muy claro" que quería Giuliani "para poder caminar a este establecimiento rápidamente." Ello significa el búnker Tenía que ser en el bajo Manhattan. Since the City Hall area is below the floodplain, the command center—which was built with a hurricane-curtain wall—had to be above ground. Desde el Ayuntamiento de la zona está por debajo de la planicie de inundación, el centro de control que se construyó con un huracán de muro cortina-tuvo que ser sobre la tierra. The formal city document approving the site said that it “was selected due to its proximity to City Hall,” a standard set by Giuliani and Giuliani alone. El documento de aprobación oficial de la ciudad el sitio dijo que "fue seleccionada debido a su proximidad a la ciudad de Hall," un conjunto estándar de Giuliani y Giuliani solo.
The 7 WTC site was the brainchild of Bill Diamond, a prominent Manhattan Republican that Giuliani had installed at the city agency handling rentals. El WTC 7 sitio fue una idea original de proyecto de ley del Diamante, un prominente republicano Manhattan que Giuliani ha instalado en la ciudad agencia de alquiler de manipulación. When Diamond held a similar post in the Reagan administration a few years earlier, his office had selected the same building to house nine federal agencies. Cuando Diamond celebró un puesto similar en la administración Reagan, hace algunos años, su oficina ha seleccionado el mismo edificio para alojar a nueve agencias federales. Diamond’s GOP-wired broker steered Hauer to the building, which was owned by a major Giuliani donor and fundraiser. Diamantes del GOP cableados corredor Hauer dirigido a la construcción, que era propiedad de un importante recaudador de fondos y de donantes Giuliani. When Hauer signed onto it, he was locked in by the limitations Giuliani had imposed on the search and the sites Diamond offered him. Cuando Hauer firmó en la misma, fue bloqueado por las limitaciones en Giuliani había impuesto a la búsqueda y los sitios Diamond le ofreció. The mayor was so personally focused on the siting and construction of the bunker that the city administrator who oversaw it testified in a subsequent lawsuit that “very senior officials,” specifically including Giuliani, “were involved,” which he said was a major difference between this and other projects. El alcalde fue tan personalmente se centró en la ubicación y construcción del búnker que el administrador de la ciudad que supervisó que testificó en un juicio posterior que "muy altos funcionarios," en particular en Giuliani ", han participado", que lo que dijo fue una importante diferencia entre Este y otros proyectos. Giuliani’s office had a humidor for cigars and mementos from City Hall, including a fire horn, police hats and fire hats, as well as monogrammed towels in his bathroom. Giuliani la oficina tenía un humidor para puros y los recuerdos del Ayuntamiento, incluidos los cuernos de un incendio, la policía y los bomberos sombreros sombreros, así como de toallas monogrammed en su cuarto de baño. His suite was bulletproofed and he visited it often, even on weekends, bringing his girlfriend Judi Nathan there long before the relationship surfaced. Su suite fue bulletproofed y que visitó con frecuencia, incluso los fines de semana, con lo que su novia Judi Nathan existe mucho antes de la relación superficie. He had his own elevator. Tuvo su propio ascensor. Great concern was expressed in writing that the platform in the press room had to be high enough to make sure his head was above the cameras. Gran preocupación se expresó en el escrito que la plataforma en la sala de prensa tuvo que ser lo suficientemente elevado como para asegurarse de que su cabeza está por encima de las cámaras. It’s inconceivable that the hands-on mayor’s fantasy command center was shaped—or sited—by anyone other than him. Es inconcebible que en las manos del alcalde de la fantasía centro de comando estaba situados de forma-o-por cualquiera que no sea él.
Of course, the consequences of putting the center there were predictable. Por supuesto, las consecuencias de poner el centro había previsible. The terrorist who engineered the 1993 bombing told the FBI they were coming back to the trade center. El terrorista que la ingeniería bombardeo de 1993 le dijo al FBI que estaban regresando al centro comercial. Opposing the site at a meeting with the mayor, Police Commissioner Howard Safir called it “Ground Zero” because of the earlier attack. Opongan al sitio en una reunión con el alcalde, el Comisionado de Policía Howard Safir llamado "Ground Zero", a causa de la anterior ataque. Lou Anemone, the highest-ranking uniformed officer in the NYPD, wrote memos slamming the site. Lou Anémona, el más alto oficial uniformado de la policía de Nueva York, escribió memos cerrar el sitio. “I’ve never seen in my life ‘walking distance’ as some kind of a standard for crisis management,” Anemone said later. "Nunca he visto en mi vida 'a pie' como una especie de un estándar para la gestión de crisis", dijo más tarde Anémona. “But you don’t want to confuse Giuliani with the facts.” Anemone had done a detailed vulnerability study of the city for Giuliani, pinpointing terrorist targets. "Pero usted no quiere confundir a Giuliani con los hechos." Anémona ha realizado un detallado estudio de la vulnerabilidad de la ciudad de Giuliani, identificación de objetivos terroristas. “In terms of targets, the WTC was number one,” he says. "En términos de objetivos, el WTC fue número uno", dice. “I guess you had to be there in 1993 to know how strongly we felt it was the wrong place.” "Creo que había que estar allí en 1993 para saber con qué fuerza nos pareció que era el lugar equivocado".
Bizarrely, Giuliani even tried in the Wallace interview to deny that the early evacuation of the bunker left him searching for a new site, contrary to the account of that frantic morning he’s given hundreds of times, often for honoraria reaching six figures. Curiosamente, Giuliani incluso intentó Wallace en la entrevista para negar que la pronta evacuación de la combustión de la izquierda él en busca de un nuevo lugar, en contra de la cuenta de que él es frenética por la mañana dado cientos de veces, a menudo por los honorarios que hayan pasado seis cifras. “The way you’re interpreting it,” he told Wallace, “it was as if that was the one fixed command center. "La forma en que está interpretarla", dijo Wallace, "es como si el que se fija un centro de comando. It was not. No fue. There were backup command centers.” To minimize the effect of the loss of the bunker, Giuliani said that, “within a half hour” of the shutdown of the bunker, “we were able to move immediately to another command center.” Hay copia de seguridad de los centros de mando. "Para reducir al mínimo el efecto de la pérdida de la casamata, Giuliani dijo que," dentro de una media hora "del cierre de la casamata," hemos sido capaces de pasar de inmediato a otro centro de comandos ".
In fact, as Giuliani himself has told the dramatic tale, he and his entourage were briefly trapped in a Merrill Lynch office, “jimmied the lock” of a firehouse, and took over a deluxe hotel until they realized it was “sheathed in windows.” They considered going to City Hall, but learned it was covered in debris. De hecho, como él mismo ha dicho Giuliani la dramática historia, él y su séquito fueron atrapados brevemente en una oficina de Merrill Lynch, "jimmied el bloqueo" de una de bomberos, y tomó más de un lujoso hotel, hasta que se dieron cuenta de que se "porta-en las ventanas. "Ellos van a considerarse Ayuntamiento, pero aprendí que se trataba en esos desechos. The only backup center that existed was the small one at police headquarters that had been put out of business when the WTC bunker opened; but Giuliani said its phones weren’t working. El único centro de copia de seguridad que existía era el pequeño uno en la sede de la policía de que había sido puesto fuera de juego cuando el WTC búnker abierto, pero dijo que su Giuliani fueron los teléfonos no funcionan. “We’re going to have to find someplace,” Giuliani said, according to his Time account, which described it as a “long and harrowing” search. "Vamos a tener que encontrar algún lugar", dijo Giuliani, de acuerdo a su tiempo cuenta, que lo describió como un "largo y doloroso" de búsqueda. “Our government no longer had a place to work,” he wrote in Leadership . "Nuestro gobierno ya no tenía un lugar para trabajar", escribió en Liderazgo.
They wound up at the police academy uptown and, according to the account Giuliani and company gave Time , “we are up and operating by 4 pm”—seven hours, not a half-hour, after the attack. Ellos herida en la academia de policía y arriba, de acuerdo con la cuenta de Giuliani y compañía dio tiempo, "estamos arriba y por 4 horas de funcionamiento" de siete horas, no una media hora, después del ataque. But Giuliani told the 9/11 Commission that they quickly decided the academy “was too small” and “were able to establish a command center” at Pier 92 “within three days,” virtually building it from scratch. Pero Giuliani dijo a la 9 / 11 que la Comisión decidió rápidamente que la academia "es demasiado pequeño" y "fueron capaces de establecer un centro de comando" en Pier 92 "dentro de los tres días," prácticamente de la nada la construcción de ésta. Hauer said he’d asked for a backup command center years before 9/11, “but they told me there was no money for it.” After Hauer left, and shortly before 9/11, the city announced plans to build a backup center near police headquarters—a site quickly jettisoned by the Bloomberg administration. Hauer dijo que había pedido una copia de seguridad de centro de comando años antes de 9 / 11, "pero me dijo que no había dinero para ello." Después Hauer izquierda, y poco antes de 9 / 11, la ciudad anunció planes para construir un centro de copia de seguridad Cerca de la sede de la policía de un sitio rápidamente abandonados por la administración Bloomberg. Police officials told reporters that they were looking for space outside Manhattan and underground, citing the lessons of 9/11. Los funcionarios de la policía dijeron a los periodistas que estaba buscando espacio fuera de Manhattan y subterráneos, citando las lecciones del 9 / 11.
BIG LIE BIG LIE
4. 4. ‘Democrats do not understand the full nature and scope of the terrorist war against us.’ Giuliani blames what he calls Bill Clinton’s “decade of denial” for the mess we’re in, and uses it to tarnish the rest of Clinton’s party. 'Los demócratas no entienden plenamente la naturaleza y el alcance de la guerra terrorista en contra de nosotros'. Giuliani culpa a lo que llama Bill Clinton, la "década de negación" para el lío en que estamos, y lo utiliza para empañar el resto de Clinton' S parte. “Don’t react, kind of let things go, kind of act the way Clinton did in the ’90s” is his favorite way of characterizing the Democratic response to the threat of terrorism. "No reaccionar, el tipo de dejar que las cosas van, el tipo de acto de la manera de Clinton hizo en los años 90" es su manera preferida de caracterizar el Democrática respuesta a la amenaza del terrorismo. “We were attacked at Khobar Towers, Kenya, Tanzania, 17 of our sailors were killed on the USS Cole , and the United States government, under then-president Clinton, did not respond,” Giuliani told the rabidly anti-Clinton audience at Pat Robertson’s Regent University. "Nos atacaron a las Torres Khobar, Kenya, Tanzania, 17 de nuestros marineros fueron asesinados en el USS Cole, y el gobierno de los Estados Unidos, bajo el entonces presidente Clinton, no respondieron", Giuliani dijo a la rabidly anti-Clinton en audiencia Pat Robertson de la Universidad Regent. “It was a big mistake to not recognize that the 1993 bombing was a terrorist act and an act of war,” he added. "Fue un gran error al no reconocer que el bombardeo de 1993 fue un acto de terrorismo y un acto de guerra", añadió. “Bin Laden declared war on us. "Bin Laden declaró la guerra a nosotros. We didn’t hear it. No hemos escucharlo. I thought it was pretty clear at the time, but a lot of people didn’t see it, couldn’t see it.” Pensé que era bastante clara en el momento, pero mucha gente no ve, no puede verlo. "
This is naked revisionism—and not just because of his own well established, head-in-the-sand indifference to the 1993 bombing. Esto es revisionismo desnudo-y no sólo por su propio bien establecida, la cabeza en la arena de la indiferencia a los bombardeos de 1993. It’s as unambiguously partisan as his claim that on 9/11, he looked to the sky, saw the first fighter jets flying over the city well after the attack, and thanked God that George W. Bush was president. Es tan inequívocamente partidista como su afirmación de que el 9 / 11, que comenzó a buscar al cielo, vio el primer aviones de combate volaron sobre la ciudad y después del ataque, y dio las gracias a Dios de que George W. Bush era presidente. Bob Kerrey, the former Democratic senator who sat on the 9/11 Commission, put it fairly: “Prior to 9/11, no elected official did enough to reduce the threat of Al Qaeda. Bob Kerrey, el ex senador Democrática, que se sentaban en el 9 / 11 Comisión, lo bastante: "Antes del 9 / 11, los funcionarios de elección no hizo lo suficiente para reducir la amenaza de Al-Qaida. Neither political party covered itself in glory.” Ni partido político cubierto de gloria ".
Giuliani’s lifelong friend Louis Freeh, the former FBI head who has endorsed him for president, wrote in his 2005 autobiography that “the nation’s fundamental approach to Osama bin Laden and his ilk was no different after the inauguration of January 21, 2001, than it had been before.” As Bob Kerrey noted, the five Democrats and five Republicans on the 9/11 Commission said much the same thing. Giuliani, el amigo de toda la vida Louis Freeh, el ex jefe del FBI, que ha apoyado a él para presidente, escribió en su autobiografía en 2005 que "la nación fundamentales de enfoque a Osama bin Laden y su raza no fue diferente después de la toma de posesión del 21 de enero de 2001 , De lo que había sido antes. "Tal como señaló Bob Kerrey, los cinco demócratas y cinco republicanos en el 9 / 11 Comisión dice mucho de lo mismo. Freeh added that both administrations “were fighting criminals, not an enemy force” before 9/11, and Giuliani is now making precisely the same policy point, but limiting his critique to Clinton. Freeh añadió que ambas administraciones "se lucha contra los criminales, no a un enemigo vigor" antes de 9 / 11, y Giuliani es precisamente ahora haciendo la misma política, pero limitando su crítica a Clinton. Even the fiercely anti-Clinton Freeh credited the former president with “one exception,” saying his administration did go after bin Laden “with a salvo of Tomahawk missiles in 1998 in retaliation for the embassy bombings in East Africa.” Incluso los furiosamente anti-Clinton Freeh acredita al ex presidente con "una excepción", diciendo que su administración no ir después de bin Laden "con una salva de misiles Tomahawk en 1998 en represalia por los ataques con bombas en las embajadas de África Oriental."
The best example of Giuliani’s partisan twist is the USS Cole , which was attacked on October 12, 2000, three weeks before the 2000 election. El mejor ejemplo de Giuliani es partidista, vale la pena es el USS Cole, que fue atacado el 12 de octubre de 2000, tres semanas antes de la elección 2000. The 9/11 Commission report found that in the final Clinton months, neither the FBI, then headed by Freeh, nor the CIA had a “definitive answer on the crucial question of outside direction of the attack,” which Clinton said he needed to go to war against bin Laden or the Taliban. El 9 / 11 Informe de la Comisión encontró que en el último mes de Clinton, ni el FBI, entonces dirigido por Freeh, ni la CIA había una "respuesta definitiva sobre la cuestión crucial de fuera de la dirección del ataque," Clinton dijo que tenía que ir a A la guerra contra Bin Laden o los talibanes. All Clinton got was a December 21 “preliminary judgment” from the CIA that Al Qaeda “supported the attack.” A month later, when the Bush team took office, the CIA delivered the same “preliminary” findings to the new president. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. Bush himself told the commission that he was concerned “lest an ineffective air strike just serve to give bin Laden a propaganda advantage.” With all of this evidence of bipartisan paralysis, Giuliani has nonetheless limited his Cole attack to Clinton.
It is all part of a devoutly partisan exploitation of his 9/11 legend. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. The old evidence that Bush relied on Afghan proxies to capture bin Laden at Tora Bora, and the new evidence that he outsourced him to Pakistani proxies in Waziristan, evokes no Giuliani bark. Imagine if a Democratic president had done that—or had said, as Bush did, that “I just don’t spend that much time” on bin Laden.
At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. He’d seen many close friends buried after 9/11, but his answer had more to do with the November election than the September attack that took their lives.
“They don’t see the threat,” he derides the Democrats wherever he goes, ridiculing even their adjectives. “During the Democratic debates, I couldn’t find one of them that ever mentioned the words ‘Islamic terrorist’—none of them,” he contends. “If you can’t say the words ‘Islamic terrorists,’ then you have a hard time figuring out who is our biggest enemy in the world.”
In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. By focusing on “radical Islam” as opposed to “Islamic terrorism,” the Democrats may actually be avoiding any suggestion that America is engaged in a war against Islam—and even Giuliani would concede that Osama bin Laden is a perversion of Islam. Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission: He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one? Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission : He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one?
BIG LIE
5. 5. ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some. ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some.
The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. Of course, the workers might have noticed that the photo-op mayor never put one on himself. Instead, the other 9/11 visual we all remember is Giuliani leading at Ground Zero by macho example: The most in the way of protective gear he was ever seen wearing was a dust mask on his mouth.
When the cleanup effort was widely hailed as under-budget and ahead of schedule, there was no doubt about who was in charge. “By Day 4,” the New York Times reported in a salute to the “Quick Job” at Ground Zero, “Mr. Giuliani, the Department of Design and Construction (DDC), the Office of Emergency Management, contractors and union officials decided it was time to bring order to the chaos.” Giuliani controlled access to the site as if it were his backyard. Yet, when the scope of the health disaster was clear on the fifth anniversary in 2006, he told ABC: “Everybody’s responsible.” Throwing federal, state, and city agencies into the mix, he diffused the blame. On the Today show the same morning, however, he was more accusatory: “EPA put out statements very, very prominent that you have on tape, that the air was safe, and kept repeating that and kept repeating that.”
The city had its own test results, of course, and when 17 of 87 outdoor tests showed hazardous levels of asbestos up to seven blocks away, they decided not to make the results public. An EPA chief, Bruce Sprague, sent an October 5 letter to the city complaining about “very inconsistent compliance” with respiratory protection. Sprague, who wrote the letter only after unsuccessful conversations with Giuliani aides, likened the indifference in a subsequent court deposition to sticking one’s head “over a barbecue grill for hours” and expecting no consequences. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35,000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored.
A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9/11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders. A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9 /11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders.
Should the current presidential frontrunners square off in 2008, Giuliani’s culpability and subsequent indifference at Ground Zero will, no doubt, be sharply contrasted to Hillary Clinton’s singular role in funding the Mount Sinai programs that have been aiding rescue workers for years. And the public price tag for the mismanagement at the pile (as the site was known among recovery and rescue workers) will run into the billions. Ken Feinberg, who ran the federally funded Victims Compensation Board, has already paid out $1 billion to the injured, concluding after individual hearings that hundreds “were diagnosed with demonstrable and documented respiratory injuries directly related to their rescue service.” Anthony DePalma, whose extraordinary Times stories have lifted the lid on Giuliani’s role, recently reported that the health-care costs for rescue workers could soar to as much as $712 million a year. And the city is administering a billion-dollar liability fund to satisfy the thousands of lawsuits.
Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Asked about the mayor himself, Whitman sputtered: “He was clearly in control and doing a good job. Everyone was applauding what was going on. EPA, we had some disagreements with things that were occurring on the pile, like not having people wear respirators—we wanted more emphasis on that. But overall, you know, it’s hard. Those are emotional times.”
The firefighters’ union pointed out that the respiratory debacle was, like the malfunctioning radios and so many other things, another symbol of the city’s failure to prepare for a major terrorist event. Fire Department memos after the 1993 bombing had urged better protective gear, just as they’d screamed for better radios. The UFA’s leaders pointed out that the department had “ignored many issues related to respiratory protection” for years. The union’s health-and-safety officer, Phil McArdle, likened the long-term effects of working at Ground Zero to Agent Orange in Vietnam. “We’ve done a good job of taking care of the dead,” he said, referring to the hunt for remains, “but such a terrible job of taking care of the living.”
Wayne Barrett is the co-author, with Dan Collins, of Grand Illusion: The Untold Story of Rudy Giuliani and 9/11 , which was just published in paperback by HarperCollins. USA Section has more related reports Sección tiene más informes conexos Help keep RINF going.. Ayude a mantener RINF ir ..
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