Rudy Giuliani’s Five Big Lies About 9/11 Rudy Giuliani's Big Five Lies Über 9 / 11
On the stump, Rudy can’t help spreading smoke and ashes about his lousy record Auf der Stumpf, Rudy kann nicht helfen Verbreitung Rauch und Asche über seine lausig Rekord
By Mit Wayne Barrett Wayne Barrett
Nearly six years after 9/11, Rudy Giuliani is still walking through the canyons of lower Manhattan, covered in soot, pointing north, and leading the nation out of danger’s way. Fast sechs Jahre nach 9 / 11, Rudy Giuliani ist immer noch zu Fuß durch die Schluchten von Lower Manhattan, und Ruß bedeckt, weist nach Norden, und die führende Nation der Gefahr aus dem Weg. The Republican frontrunner is campaigning for president by evoking that visual at every campaign stop, and he apparently believes it’sa picture worth thousands of nights in the White House. Die Republikanische Vorreiter macht Wahlkampf für die Präsidenten von visuellen hervorzurufen, dass in jeder Kampagne stoppen, und er glaubt, es ist offensichtlich Bild wert Tausende von Übernachtungen im Weißen Haus.
Giuliani has been leading the Republican pack for seven months, and predictions that the party’s evangelicals would turn on him have so far proven hollow. Giuliani wurde der führende Republikaner Pack für sieben Monate, und die Vorhersagen, dass die Partei der Evangelischen würde wiederum auf ihn haben bisher bewiesen, hohl. The religious right appears as gripped by the Giuliani story as the rest of the country. Die religiöse Rechte wird als Giuliani gepackt von der Geschichte, wie der Rest des Landes.
Giuliani isn’t shy about reminding audiences of those heady days. Giuliani ist nicht schüchtern zu erinnern Publikum die berauschende Tage. In fact he hyperventilates about them on the stump, making his credentials in the so-called war on terror the centerpiece of his campaign. In der Tat hyperventilates er über sie auf den Stumpf, die seine Vollmachten in den sogenannten Krieg gegen den Terror in den Mittelpunkt seiner Kampagne. His claims, meanwhile, have been met with a media deference so total that he’s taken to complimenting “the good job it is doing covering the campaign.” Opponents, too, haven’t dared to question his terror credentials, as if doing so would be an unpatriotic bow to Osama bin Laden. Seine Ansprüche, mittlerweile erreicht wurden, mit einer Ehrerbietung Medien so total, dass er die Komplimente an "die gute Arbeit, die sie tut, für die Kampagne." Gegner auch nicht gewagt haben, in Frage zu stellen sein Beglaubigungsschreiben Terror, tun so, als ob So wäre ein unpatriotisch Bogen zu Osama bin Laden.
Here, then, is a less deferential look at the illusory cloud emanating from the former mayor’s campaign . Hier ist dann eine weniger ehrerbietig Blick auf die illusorische Wolke aus dem ehemaligen Bürgermeister der Kampagne. . .
BIG LIE1 LIE1. BIG LIE1 LIE1. ‘I think the thing that distinguishes me on terrorism is, I have more experience dealing with it.’ This pillar of the Giuliani campaign—asserted by pundits as often as it is by the man himself—is based on the idea that Rudy uniquely understands the terror threat because of his background as a prosecutor and as New York’s mayor. "Ich denke, die Sache, die mir über den Terrorismus unterscheidet ist, ich habe mehr Erfahrung Umgang mit ihm." Diese Säule der Giuliani-Kampagne behauptet, von Experten so oft, wie es von den Menschen selbst-basiert auf der Idee, dass Rudy eindeutig versteht, Der Terror bedroht, weil seine Hintergrund als Staatsanwalt und als New Yorker Bürgermeister. In a July appearance at a Maryland synagogue, Giuliani sketched out his counterterrorism biography, a resume that happens to be rooted in falsehood. Bei einem Auftritt in einem Juli Maryland Synagoge, Giuliani skizziert seine Biographie Terrorismusbekämpfung, dass wieder passiert, werden ihre Wurzeln in der Lüge.
“As United States Attorney, I investigated the Leon Klinghoffer murder by Yasir Arafat,” he told the Jewish audience, referring to the infamous 1985 slaying of a wheelchair-bound, 69-year-old New York businessman aboard the Achille Lauro , an Italian ship hijacked off the coast of Egypt by Palestinian extremists. "Als United States Attorney, die ich untersucht Leon Klinghoffer Ermordung von Yassir Arafat", sagte er der jüdischen Publikum, auf den berühmt-berüchtigten 1985 getötet von einem Rollstuhl gebunden, 69-jährige Geschäftsmann in New York an Bord der Achille Lauro, ein italienischer Entführte Schiff vor der Küste von Ägypten von palästinensischen Extremisten. “It’s honestly the reason why I knew so much about Arafat,” says Giuliani. "Es ist ehrlich gesagt auch der Grund, warum ich wusste, dass so viel über Arafat", sagt Giuliani. “I knew, in detail, the Americans he murdered. "Ich wusste, im Detail, die Amerikaner er ermordet. I went over their cases.” Ich ging über ihre Fälle. "
On the contrary, Victoria Toensing, the deputy assistant attorney general at the Justice Department in Washington who filed a criminal complaint in the Lauro investigation, says that no one in Giuliani’s office “was involved at all.” Jay Fischer, the Klinghoffer family attorney who spearheaded a 12-year lawsuit against the PLO, says he “never had any contact” with Giuliani or his office. Im Gegenteil, Victoria Toensing, Assistent des stellvertretenden Generalstaatsanwalt an das Justizministerium in Washington eingereicht, die eine strafrechtliche Beschwerde Lauro in der Untersuchung, sagt, dass niemand in Giuliani's Büro "waren wir alle." Jay Fischer, die Familie Klinghoffer Anwalt angeführt, die ein 12-Jahres-Klage gegen die PLO, sagt er "nie irgend einen Kontakt mit Giuliani oder seinem Büro. “It would boggle my mind if anyone in 1985, 1986, 1987, or thereafter conducted an investigation of this case and didn’t call me,” he adds. "Es wäre meiner Meinung nach zurückschrecken, wenn jemand in 1985, 1986, 1987, oder danach, die eine Untersuchung des vorliegenden Falles nicht und rufen Sie mich an", fügt er hinzu. Fischer says he did have a private dinner with Giuliani in 1992: “It was the first time we talked, and we didn’t even talk about the Klinghoffer case then.” Fischer sagt, er habe auch noch eine private Abendessen mit Giuliani im Jahr 1992: "Es war das erste Mal, als wir uns, und wir hatten nicht einmal reden über den Fall dann Klinghoffer."
The dinner was arranged by Arnold Burns, a close friend of Fischer and Giuliani who also represented the Klinghoffer family. Das Abendessen wurde von Arnold Burns, ein enger Freund von Fischer und Giuliani, der auch Vertreter der Familie Klinghoffer. Burns, who was also the finance chair of Giuliani’s mayoral campaign, was the deputy US attorney general in 1985 and oversaw the probe. Burns, der auch den Lehrstuhl für Finanzierung des Bürgermeisters Giuliani Kampagne, wurde der stellvertretende US-Staatsanwalt in den Jahren 1985 und überwachte die Sonde. “I know of nothing Rudy did in any shape or form on the Klinghoffer case,” he says. "Ich weiß nichts von Rudy hat in irgendeiner Form oder Formular auf der Klinghoffer Fall", sagt er.
Though Giuliani told the Conservative Political Action conference in March that he “prosecuted a lot of crime—a little bit of terrorism, but mostly organized crime,” he actually worked only one major terrorism case as US Attorney, indicting 10 arms dealers for selling $2.5 billion worth of anti-tank missiles, bombs, and fighter jets to Iran in 1986. Obwohl Giuliani gesagt, die Konservativen Political Action-Konferenz im März, dass er "verfolgt eine Menge von Verbrechen-ein wenig durch den Terrorismus, der organisierten Kriminalität, sondern vor allem," arbeitete er tatsächlich nur einen Fall wie den Terrorismus großen US Attorney, anklagend 10 Waffenhändler für den Verkauf von $ 2,5 Milliarden von Anti-Panzer-Raketen, Bomben und Kampfjets in den Iran im Jahr 1986. The judge in the case ruled that a sale to Iran violated terrorist statutes because its government had been tied to 87 terrorist incidents. Der Richter in den Fall entschieden, dass ein Verkauf an den Iran Terror-Gesetze verletzt, weil seine Regierung war verbunden mit 87 terroristischen Zwischenfälle. Giuliani has never mentioned the case, perhaps because he personally filed papers terminating it in his last month as US Attorney: A critical witness had died, and a judge tossed out 46 of the 55 counts because of errors by Giuliani’s office. Giuliani hat nie erwähnt der Fall ist, vielleicht, weil er persönlich eingereichten Arbeiten beendet er in seinem letzten Monate als US Attorney: Eine kritische Zeugen gestorben war, und einem Richter warf sich 46 der 55 zählt, da der Fehler von Giuliani's Büro.
“Then, as mayor of New York,” Giuliani’s July speech continued, “I got elected right after the 1993 Islamic terrorist attack . "Dann, als Bürgermeister von New York," Giuliani's Juli Rede fort, "Ich habe gleich nach der Wahl 1993 islamischen Terroranschlag. . . I set up emergency plans for all the different possible attacks we could have. Ich habe Notfallpläne für die verschiedenen möglichen Angriffen konnten wir haben. We had drills and exercises preparing us for sarin gas and anthrax, dirty bombs.” Wir hatten praktische und theoretische Übungen bereiten uns für Saringas und Milzbrand, schmutzige Bomben. "
In fact, Giuliani was oblivious to the 1993 World Trade Center bombing throughout his mayoralty. In der Tat, Giuliani wurde im Bezug auf das World Trade Center von 1993 Bombardierung während seiner Bürgermeisteramt. A month after the attack, candidate Giuliani met for the first time with Bill Bratton, who would ultimately become his police commissioner. Einen Monat nach dem Angriff, Giuliani Kandidat trat zum ersten Mal mit Bill Bratton, wer würde letztlich zu seiner Polizei-Kommissar. The lengthy taped meeting was one of several policy sessions he had with unofficial advisers. Die langen Sitzung mit Klebeband war einer von mehreren politischen Sitzungen hatte er mit inoffizieller Berater. The bombing never came up; neither did terrorism. Die Bombardierung kam nie zur Sprache; hat weder Terrorismus. When Giuliani was elected a few months later, he immediately launched a search for a new police commissioner. Wenn Giuliani gewählt wurde ein paar Monate später, hat er sofort eine Suche nach einer neuen Polizei-Kommissar. Three members of the screening panel that Giuliani named to conduct the search, and four of the candidates interviewed for the job, said later that the bombing and terrorism were never mentioned—even when the new mayor got involved with the interviews himself. Drei Mitglieder des Screening-Panel, dass Giuliani Namen zur Durchführung der Suche, und vier der befragten Kandidaten für den Job, sagte später, dass der Terrorismus und die Bombardierung wurden nie erwähnt-auch wenn der neue Bürgermeister kam in den Interviews mit sich. When Giuliani needed an emergency management director a couple of years later, two candidates for the job and the city official who spearheaded that search said that the bombing and future terrorist threats weren’t on Giuliani’s radar. Wenn Giuliani benötigt eine Notfall-Management-Regisseur ein paar Jahre später, zwei Kandidaten für das Angebot und die Stadt angeführt, dass die offizielle Suche sagte, die Bombardierung und künftige terroristische Bedrohungen nicht auf Giuliani's Radar. The only time Giuliani invoked the 1993 bombing publicly was at his inauguration in 1994, when he referred to the way the building’s occupants evacuated themselves as a metaphor for personal responsibility, ignoring the bombing itself as a terrorist harbinger. Das einzige Mal aufgerufen Giuliani die Bombardierung 1993 öffentlich zu seiner Amtseinführung war im Jahr 1994, als er auf die Art, wie die Bewohner des Gebäudes evakuiert sich selbst als eine Metapher für die persönliche Verantwortung, ignoriert die Bombardierung selbst als terroristische Vorboten.
US Attorney Mary Jo White and the four assistants who prosecuted the 1993 bombing said they were never asked to brief Giuliani about terrorism, though all of the assistants knew Giuliani personally and had actually been hired by him when he was the US Attorney. US Attorney Mary Jo White und die vier Assistenten, die strafrechtlich verfolgt die Bombardierung 1993 sagte sie wurden nie gefragt, kurze Giuliani über den Terrorismus, obwohl alle wussten, der Assistenten Giuliani persönlich und hatten eigentlich die, die von ihm, als er die US-Staatsanwalt. White’s office, located just a couple hundred yards from City Hall, indicted bin Laden three years before 9/11, but Giuliani recounted in his own book, Leadership , that “shortly after 9/11, Judith [Nathan] got me a copy of Yossef Bodansky’s Bin Laden: The Man Who Declared War on America ,” which had warned of “spectacular terrorist strikes in Washington and/or New York” in 1999. White's Büro liegt nur ein paar hundert Meter von der City Hall, angeklagt bin Laden drei Jahre vor 9 / 11, aber Giuliani erzählt in seinem Buch, "Leadership", "kurz nach 9 / 11, Judith [Nathan] hat mir ein Kopie von Yossef Bodansky's Bin Laden: The Man Who erklärt War on America ", hatte davor gewarnt, der" spektakulären Terroranschlägen in Washington und / oder New York "im Jahr 1999. As an example of how he “mastered a subject,” Giuliani wrote that he soon “covered” Bodansky’s prophetic work “in highlighter and notes.” Als Beispiel dafür, wie er "beherrscht ein Thema," Giuliani schrieb, dass er bald "fallen" Bodansky's prophetische Arbeit "in der Markierung und Notizen."
The 1995 sarin-gas drill that Giuliani cited in his July speech was also prophetic, anticipating many of the breakdowns that hampered the city’s 9/11 response. Die 1995-sarin Gas bohren, dass Giuliani zitiert in seiner Juli war auch prophetische Rede, die Vorwegnahme der vielen Pannen behindert, dass die Stadt 9 / 11 reagiert. The drill was such a disaster that a follow-up exercise was cancelled to avoid embarrassment. Der Bohrer war eine solche Katastrophe, dass eine Follow-up-Übung wurde abgesagt Peinlichkeiten zu vermeiden. More than a hundred of the first responders rushed in so recklessly that they were “killed” by exposure to the gas. Mehr als hundert der ersten Ansprechen eilte in so leichtfertig, dass sie "getötet", indem Sie das Gas. Radio communications were described in the city’s own report as “abysmal,” with police and fire “operating on different frequencies.” The command posts were located much too close to the incident. Radio Kommunikation wurden in der Stadt einen eigenen Bericht als "miserabel", mit der Polizei und Feuerwehr ", die auf verschiedenen Frequenzen." Der Befehl Beiträge waren viel zu nahe an den Vorfall. All three failings would be identified years later in official reviews of the 9/11 response. Alle drei Mängel wäre identifiziert Jahre später in der offiziellen Bewertungen 9 / 11 reagiert.
Giuliani went on, in this stump speech, to list other examples of his mayoral experience confronting terrorism. Giuliani ging auf, in dieser Rede Stumpf, um weitere Beispiele für seine Bürgermeisters Erfahrung des Terrorismus konfrontiert. There was the time, he says, “we had what we thought was a sarin gas attack.” And there were also the 50th anniversary commemoration of the United Nations and the 2000 millennium celebration to contend with, times, he said, “when we had a lot of warnings and had to do a tremendous amount to prepare.” And let’s not forget, he pointed out, the 1997 NYPD arrest of two terrorists who “were going to blow up a subway station.” Giuliani used this thwarted attack as proof of the city’s readiness: “A very, very alert young police officer saw those guys,” he said. Es war die Zeit, sagt er, "wir haben, was wir dachten, war ein Saringas-Attacke. 2000 Jahrtausend Feier zu streiten, Zeiten, sagte er," wenn wir Hatte eine Menge Warnungen und hat damit zu tun, eine große Menge zu bereiten. "Und lassen Sie uns nicht vergessen, wies er darauf hin, die 1997 NYPD Festnahme von zwei Terroristen, die" gingen in die Luft zu jagen, eine U-Bahn-Station. "Giuliani, das wird hintertrieben Angriff als Beweis für die Bereitschaft der Stadt: "Ein sehr, sehr wachsam junge Polizist sah den Jungs", sagte er. “They looked suspicious, [so he] reported them to the desk sergeant. "Sie blickte misstrauisch, [er] berichtet sie an den Schreibtisch Sergeant. The police department executed a warrant and shot one of the men as he was about to hit a toggle switch.” Die Polizei ausgeführt Abteilung eines Haftbefehls und schoss einer der Männer war, wie er etwa zu treffen ein Kippschalter. "
Each of the claims in Giuliani’s self-serving account is inaccurate. Jeder der behauptet, sich selbst in der Giuliani-Serving-Konto ist ungenau. The supposed “sarin attack” was simply the discovery of an empty canister marked “sarin” in the home of a harmless Queens recluse. Die vermeintlichen "sarin attack" war einfach die Entdeckung eines leeren Kanister Aufschrift "sarin" in der Heimat ein harmloser Queens Einsiedler. It was sitting next to an identical container labeled “compressed air” with a smiley-face logo. Er saß neben einem identischen Container Aufschrift "komprimierte Luft" mit einem Smiley-Gesicht-Logo. Jerry Hauer, the city’s emergency management director at the time, was in London, on the phone with Giuliani constantly. Jerry Hauer, der Stadt Notfall-Management-Direktor an der Zeit, wurde in London, auf das Telefon ständig mit Giuliani. Hauer finds it ironic that Giuliani is still talking about the incident, since they both thought it was “comically” mishandled then. Hauer findet es ironisch, dass Giuliani ist noch im Gespräch über den Vorfall, da sie beide dachten, es sei "komisch", dann mißhandelte. “The police went there without any suits on and touched all the containers without proper clothing. "Die Polizei ging es ohne Klagen auf und berührte alle Container ohne entsprechende Kleidung. They turned it into a major crime scene, with a hundred cops lining the street. Sie verwandelte sie in eine große Tatort, mit hundert Polizisten entlang der Straße. Rudy at one point said to me, ‘Here we have the mayor, the fire commissioner, the chief of the police department, and one of my deputy mayors standing on the front lawn of this house. Rudy an einer Stelle sagte zu mir, 'Hier haben wir den Bürgermeister, der Feuerwehr-Kommissar, der Chef der Polizei-Abteilung, und einer meiner stellvertretender Bürgermeister stand auf der Vorderseite des Hauses Rasen. Shouldn’t we be across the street in case this stuff ignites?’” This overhyped emergency led to a misdemeanor arrest subsequently dismissed by the district attorney. Müssen wir nicht über die Straße in diesem Fall entzündet Zeug? "Diese overhyped Not führte zu einer Festnahme Vergehen später entlassen durch die Staatsanwaltschaft.
Similarly, the security concerns during the 1995 UN anniversary focused on Cuba and China and didn’t involve Arab terrorist threats. Auch die Sicherheit während der UN-Jubiläum 1995 auf Kuba und China, und nicht die arabischen terroristischen Bedrohungen. The millennium target, well established at subsequent trials, was the Los Angeles International Airport, not New York. Die Millenniums-Ziel, ein bewährtes späteren Versuche, war die "Los Angeles International Airport, New York. While there’s no doubt the Clinton administration did put the country and city on terrorist alert for Y2K and other reasons, it was an arrest on the Washington/Canadian border that busted up a West Coast plot. Zwar gibt es keinen Zweifel, die Clinton-Regierung hat das Land und die Stadt über terroristische Warnung für die Y2K-und anderen Gründen war es eine Festnahme auf der Washington / kanadische Grenze geworden, dass ein Grundstück an der Westküste.
The subway bombing, meanwhile, wasn’t stymied by the NYPD. Die U-Bahn-Bombardierung, mittlerweile, war nicht hinderte von der NYPD. An Egyptian friend of the bomber—living with him in the apartment where the pipe bomb was being built—told two Long Island Rail Road police officers about it. Ein ägyptischer Freund der Bomber-leben mit ihm in der Wohnung, wo das Rohr Bombe gebaut wurde, erzählt zwei Long Island Rail Road Polizisten about it. When the NYPD subsequently raided the apartment, they shot two Palestinians who were there—one of whom, hit five times and gravely wounded, was later acquitted at trial. Wenn das NYPD später durchsuchte die Wohnung, die sie erschossen zwei Palästinenser, die dort waren, von denen einer, fünf Mal getroffen und schwer verletzt, wurde später am Prozess freigesprochen. No one had tried to set off the bomb at the time of the arrest, though news stories reported that; the bomber had reached for an officer’s gun, according to the trial testimony. Niemand hatte versucht, die Bombe auf den Weg zum Zeitpunkt der Festnahme, wenn Nachrichten berichtet, dass die Bomber erreicht hatten für einen Offizier's gun, nach der Probezeit Zeugnis. The news stories also initially suggested a link to Hamas, though the lone bomber was actually an amateur fanatic with no money and no network. Die Nachrichten zunächst vorgeschlagen, auch einen Link zu der Hamas, wenn die Alleinerziehenden Bomber war eigentlich ein Amateur mit fanatischen kein Geld, und kein Netzwerk. As conservative a source as Bill Gertz of The Washington Times wrote that FBI counterterrorism investigators were “concerned that the initial alarmist statements about the case made by Mayor Rudy Giuliani”—apparently a reference to leaks about Hamas and the toggle switch—”will prove embarrassing.” Als konservativer eine Quelle wie Bill Gertz von der "Washington Times" schrieb, dass FBI-Ermittler Terrorismusbekämpfung seien "besorgt darüber, dass die ersten alarmierenden Aussagen über den Fall von Bürgermeister Rudy Giuliani"-offenbar ein Hinweis auf Lecks über die Hamas und den Schalter "wird als peinlich . "
Giuliani’s terrorism biography is bunk. Giuliani's Biographie Terrorismus ist Stockbett. As mayor, his laser-beam focus was street thugs, and as a prosecutor, it was the mob, Wall Street, and crooked politicians. Als Bürgermeister, seine Laser-Strahl Schwerpunkt lag thugs Straße, und als Staatsanwalt, es war der Mob, der Wall Street, und krumm Politiker. He can’t reach back to those years and rewrite such well-known chapters of his life. Er kann nicht reichen zurück zu jenen Jahren und schreiben so bekannten Kapitel seines Lebens.
BIG LIE BIG LIE
2. 2. ‘I don’t think there was anyplace in the country, including the federal government, that was as well prepared for that attack as New York City was in 2001.’ This assertion flies in the face of all three studies of the city’s response—the 9/11 Commission, the National Institute of Standards & Technology (NIST), and McKinsey & Co., the consulting firm hired by the Bloomberg administration. "Ich glaube nicht, dass es irgendwo im Land, einschließlich der Bundesregierung, das war so gut vorbereitet für diese Attacke als New York City war im Jahr 2001." Diese Behauptung in krassem Widerspruch zu allen drei Studien der Stadt Response-der 9 / 11 Kommission, dem National Institute of Standards & Technology (NIST), und McKinsey & Co., die Consulting-Firma, die von der Verwaltung Bloomberg.
Actually, Giuliani didn’t create the OEM until three years after the 1993 bombing, 27 months into his term. Eigentlich Giuliani nicht schaffen, die OEM-erst drei Jahre nach der Bombardierung 1993, 27 Monate nach Beginn seiner Amtszeit. And he didn’t open the OEM’s new emergency command center until the end of 1999—nearly six years after he’d taken office. Und er hat nicht öffnen OEM's Neues Notfall-Kommando Mitte bis zum Ende des Jahres 1999-fast sechs Jahre, nachdem er getroffen hatte. If he “assumed from the moment I came into office that NYC would be the subject of a terrorist attack,” as he told Time when it made him “Person of the Year” in 2001, he sure took a long time to erect what he describes as the city’s front line of defense. Wenn er "davon ausgegangen, von dem Moment kam ich ins Büro, NYC wäre Gegenstand einer terroristischen Angriff", wie er sagte, wenn es Zeit machte ihn "Person of the Year" in 2001, er hat sicher eine lange Zeit zu errichten, was er Beschreibt, wie die Stadt vorderster Front der Verteidigung.
The OEM was established so long after the bombing because, contrary to Giuliani’s revisionism, the decision to create it had nothing to do with the bombing. Die OEM wurde so lange nach der Bombardierung, denn im Gegensatz zu den Revisionismus Giuliani, die Entscheidung zu schaffen, sie habe nichts zu tun mit der Bombardierung. Several memos, unearthed from the Giuliani archive and going on at great length, reveal that the initial rationale for the agency was “non-law enforcement events,” particularly the handling of a Brooklyn water-main break shortly after he took office that the mayor thought had been botched. Mehrere Memos, ausgegraben aus dem Archiv Giuliani und geht sehr ausführlich, zeigen, dass die ursprünglichen Gründe für die Agentur wurde "Nicht-Strafverfolgungsbehörden Veranstaltungen," vor allem der Umgang mit Wasser ein Brooklyn-main Pause kurz nach seiner Amtsübernahme, dass der Bürgermeister Verpfuschte gedacht hatte. Before that, in December 1994, when an unemployed computer programmer carried a bomb onto a subway in an extortion plot against the Transit Authority, Giuliani was upset that he couldn’t even get a count of patients from the responding services for his press conference. Davor, im Dezember 1994, als ein Arbeitsloser Computer-Programmierer erfolgt eine Bombe in einer U-Bahn-Erpressung in einem Plot gegen den Transit Authority, Giuliani war wütend, er könne nicht einmal die Anzahl der Patienten, die Reaktion von Dienstleistungen für seine Pressekonferenz.
Jerry Hauer, who was handpicked by Giuliani to head the OEM, testified before the 9/11 Commission that Giuliani was “unable to get the full story” at the firebombing and “heard about the huge street collapse” that followed the water-main break “on TV,” adding: “That’s what led the mayor to set up OEM.” Hauer went through five interviews for the job, and the only time terrorism came up was when Giuliani briefly discussed the failed sarin-gas drill. Jerry Hauer, der von handverlesenen Giuliani an der Spitze der OEM, vor der 9 / 11 Kommission, dass Giuliani war "nicht in der Lage, die ganze Geschichte" an der Brandbomben und "gehört zu den großen Straße Zusammenbruch", die im Anschluss an das Wasser-Haupt-Pause "TV", und fügte hinzu: "Das ist es, was der Bürgermeister führte zur Einrichtung OEM." Hauer ging durch fünf Interviews für die Aufgabe, die nur Zeit und Terrorismus aufkam, war, dass Giuliani kurz erörtert, die nicht sarin-Gas bohren. He even met with Giuliani’s wife, Donna Hanover; no one said a word about the 1993 bombing. Er traf auch mit Giuliani Ehefrau, Donna Hanover, niemand sagt ein Wort über die Bombardierung 1993. Hauer’s own memos at the time the OEM was launched in 1996 emphasize “the visibility of the mayor” during emergencies (rather than the police commissioner) as a major objective of the agency. Hauer eigene Notizen, die zum Zeitpunkt der OEM wurde im Jahr 1996 betonen, "die Sichtbarkeit der Bürgermeister" bei Notfällen (eher als die Polizei-Kommissar) als eines der Hauptziele der Agentur. The now- ballyhooed new office was, however, so underfunded from the start that Hauer could only hire staffers whose salaries would be paid for by other agencies like the NYPD. Die nun-ballyhooed neues Büro war jedoch, so dass von Anfang an unterfinanziert, dass Hauer konnten nur mieten Mitarbeiter, deren Gehälter zu zahlen hätte, wobei für die von anderen Agenturen wie der NYPD.
With that kind of history, it’s hardly surprising that the OEM was anything but “invaluable” on 9/11. Mit dieser Art von Geschichte, ist es kaum verwunderlich, dass die OEM-war alles andere als "von unschätzbarem Wert" auf 9 / 11. Sam Caspersen, one of the principal authors of the 9/11 Commission’s chapter on the city’s response, says that “nothing was happening at OEM” during the 102 minutes of the attack that had any direct impact on the city’s “rescue/evacuation operation.” A commission staff statement found that, even prior to the evacuation of the OEM command center at 7 World Trade an hour after the first plane hit, the agency “did not play an integral role” in the response. Sam Caspersen, einem der wichtigsten Autoren der 9 / 11 Commission's Kapitel über die Antwort der Stadt, sagt, dass "nichts passiert war bei OEM" während der 102 Minuten des Angriffs, hatte direkte Auswirkungen auf die Stadt "Rettung / Evakuierung Vorgang." A Provision Personal Erklärung gefunden, dass selbst vor der Evakuierung der OEM-Kommandozentrale in 7 World Trade einer Stunde nach der ersten Ebene getroffen werden, die Agentur "nicht spielen eine wesentliche Rolle" in der Antwort. Despite Giuliani’s claim today that he and the OEM were “constantly planning for different kinds” of attacks, none of the OEM exercises replicated the 1993 bombing. Trotz Giuliani's heute behaupten, dass er und die OEM-waren "ständig Planung für die verschiedenen Arten von Angriffen, keines der OEM-Übungen repliziert die Bombardierung 1993. No drill occurred at the World Trade Center, and none involved the response to a high-rise fire anywhere. Kein Bohren kam es am World Trade Center, und keiner mit der Antwort auf ein Hochhaus Feuer überall. In fact, the OEM had no high-rise plan—its emergency-management trainers weren’t even assigned to prepare for the one attack that had already occurred, and the one most likely to recur. In der Tat, die OEM hatte keine Hochhäuser planen ihre Notfall-Management-Trainer waren nicht einmal zugewiesen zur Vorbereitung auf den Angriff ein, die bereits stattgefunden, und die am häufigsten zu wiederholen. Kevin Culley, a Fire Department captain who worked as a field responder at OEM, said the agency had “plans for minor emergencies,” but he couldn’t recall “anybody anticipating another attack like the ‘93 bombing.” Kevin Culley, ein Kapitän, der Feuerwehr arbeitete als Responder auf OEM-Bereich, sagte der Agentur hätten "Pläne für kleinere Notfälle", aber er konnte sich nicht daran erinnern, "antizipieren jemand einem anderen Angriff, wie die Bombardierung'93."
Instead of being the best-prepared city, New York’s lack of unified command, as well as the breakdown of communications between the police and fire departments, fell far short of the efforts at the Pentagon that day, as later established by the 9/11 Commission and NIST reports. Anstatt die am besten vorbereiteten Stadt, New York's Mangel an einheitlichen Kommando, als auch die Verteilung der Kommunikation zwischen der Polizei und Feuerwehr, fiel weit hinter den Bemühungen um das Pentagon an diesem Tag, wie später von der 9 / 11 Kommission und NIST-Berichte. When the 280,000-member International Association of Fire Fighters recently released a powerful video assailing Giuliani for sticking firefighters with the same radios that “we knew didn’t work” in the 1993 attack, the presidential campaign attacked the union. Wenn die 280.000-Mitglied International Association of Fire Fighters Kürzlich erschien eine leistungsfähige Video-anstürmend Giuliani zum Kleben Feuerwehrleute mit dem gleichen Radios, dass "wir wussten, did not work" in der 1993-Attacke, die Präsidentschafts-Kampagne gegen die Union. “This is an organization that supported John Kerry for president in 2004,” Giuliani aide Tony Carbonetti said. "Dies ist eine Organisation, unterstützt John Kerry zum Präsidenten im Jahr 2004," aide Giuliani sagte Tony Carbonetti. “So it’s no shock that they’re out there going after a credible Republican.” While the IAFF did endorse Kerry, the Uniformed Firefighters of Greater New York, whose president starred in the video, endorsed Bush. "So ist es kein Schock, dass sie nach draußen gehen eine glaubwürdige Republikaner." Während die IAFF hat Kerry unterstütze, die Uniformed Feuerwehrmänner von Greater New York, dessen Präsident Hauptdarsteller in dem Video, Bush befürwortet. Its former president, Tom Von Essen—currently a member of Giuliani Partners—was the fire commissioner on 9/11 precisely because the union had played such a pivotal role in initially electing Giuliani. Sein ehemaliger Präsident, Tom Von Essen-derzeit Mitglied der Partner-Giuliani war das Feuer Kommissar auf 9 / 11, gerade weil die Gewerkschaft war, spielte eine zentrale Rolle wie in der Wahl zunächst Giuliani.
The IAFF video reports that 121 firefighters in the north tower didn’t get out because they didn’t hear evacuation orders, rejecting Giuliani’s claim before the 9/11 Commission that the firefighters heard the orders and heroically decided to “stand their ground” and rescue civilians. Die IAFF Video berichtet, dass 121 Feuerwehrleute in den Nordturm nicht raus, weil sie nicht hören Evakuierung Bestellungen, die Ablehnung der Forderung Giuliani vor der 9 / 11 Kommission, dass die Feuerwehr gehört, die Aufträge und heldenhaft beschlossen, "stand ihr Boden "Rettungs-und Zivilisten. Having abandoned that 2004 contention, the Giuliani campaign is now trying to blame the deadly communications lapse on the repeaters, which were installed to boost radio signals in the towers. Nach 2004 aufgegeben, dass Anstoßes, der Giuliani-Kampagne ist nun versucht, die Schuld tödliche Kommunikation über das Erlöschen von Repeatern, die installiert wurden zur Steigerung der Radio-Signale in den Türmen. But the commission concluded that the “technical failure of FDNY radios” was “a contributing factor,” though “not the primary cause,” of the “many firefighter fatalities in the North Tower.” The commission compared “the strength” of the NYPD and FDNY radios and said that the weaknesses of the FDNY radios “worked against successful communication.” Aber die Kommission dem Schluss, dass die "technischen Versagen der FDNY Radios" sei "ein wesentlicher Faktor", aber "nicht die Hauptursache", der "Feuerwehrmann viele Todesfälle in der Nord-Turm." Die Kommission gegenüber "Stärke" der NYPD FDNY und Radios und sagte, dass die Schwächen des FDNY Radios "arbeitete gegen die erfolgreiche Kommunikation."
The commission report also found that “it’s impossible to know what difference it made that units in the North Tower weren’t using the repeater channel,” because no one knows if it “remained operational” after the collapse of the south tower, which fell on the trade-center facilities where the repeater and its console were located. Die Kommission Bericht wird auch festgestellt, dass "es ist unmöglich zu wissen, welchen Unterschied es aus, dass die Einheiten in der Nord-Turm wurden nicht mit dem Repeater-Kanal," weil niemand weiß, ob es "blieb operativen" nach dem Zusammenbruch der Südturm, Fiel auf, die die Handels-Center-Einrichtungen, in denen die Repeater und seine Konsole waren. The collapse also drove everyone out of the north tower lobby, leaving no one to operate the repeater console. Der Zusammenbruch fuhr auch alle aus dem Nordturm Lobby, so dass niemand den Betrieb der Repeater-Konsole. In addition, the commission concluded that fire chiefs failed to turn on the repeater correctly that morning—another indication of the lack of training and drills at the WTC between the attacks. Darüber hinaus ist die Kommission der Schluss gezogen, dass Feuer Chefs nicht, um den Repeater richtig, dass am frühen Morgen-ein weiteres Indiz für den Mangel an Ausbildungs-und Bohrmaschinen auf das WTC zwischen den Anschlägen. In the end, firefighters had to rely exclusively on their radios, and the inability of the Giuliani administration to find a replacement for the radios that malfunctioned in 1993 left them unable to talk to each other, even about getting out of a tower on the verge of collapse. In the end, Feuerwehrleute mussten sich ausschließlich auf ihre Radios, und die Unfähigkeit der Verwaltung Giuliani zu finden, einen Ersatz für die Radios, versagte im Jahr 1993 ließ sie nicht in der Lage miteinander zu reden, auch über die immer aus einem Turm am Rande Des Zusammenbruchs.
The mayor had also done nothing to make the radios interoperable—which would have enabled the police and firefighters to communicate across departmental lines—despite having received a 1995 federal waiver granting the city the additional radio frequencies to make that possible. Der Bürgermeister hatte auch nichts getan, um die Interoperabilität-Radios, die haben es ermöglicht, die Polizei und die Feuerwehr zu kommunizieren über Abteilungs-Zeilen-trotz erhielt einen Verzicht auf die Gewährung des Bundes 1995 die Stadt die zusätzlichen Funkfrequenzen es, dies zu ermöglichen. That meant the fire chiefs had no idea that police helicopters had anticipated the partial collapse of both towers long before they fell. Das bedeutete, das Feuer Chefs hatte keine Ahnung, dass die Polizei-Hubschrauber hatte erwartet, die teilweise Einsturz der beiden Türme, lange bevor sie fiel.
It’s not just the radios and the OEM: Giuliani never forced the police and fire departments to abide by clear command-and-control protocols that squarely put one service in charge of the other during specified emergencies. Es ist nicht nur die Radios und die OEM: Giuliani nie gezwungen, die Polizei und die Feuerwehr zu befolgen klare Kommando-und Kontroll-Protokolle, die direkt in einen Dienst in der anderen während des angegebenen Notfälle. Though he collected $250 million in tax surcharges on phone use to improve the 911 system, he diverted this emergency funding for other uses, and the 911 dispatchers were an utter disaster that day, telling victims to stay where they were long after the fire chiefs had ordered an evacuation, which potentially sealed the fates of hundreds. Obwohl er sammelte $ 250 Millionen im Steuer-Zuschläge auf Telefon verwenden, um die 911-er umgeleitet diese Mittel für andere Notfälle benutzt, und die 911-Dispatcher waren ein vollkommenes Desaster diesem Tag sagen Opfer zu bleiben, wo sie waren noch lange nach dem Brand hatte Chefs Bestellt eine Evakuierung, die potenziell besiegelt das Schicksal von Hunderten. And, despite the transparent lessons of 1993, Giuliani never established any protocols for rooftop or elevator rescues in high-rises, or even a strategy for bringing the impaired and injured out—all costly failings on 9/11. Und trotz der transparenten Lehren aus 1993, Giuliani nie alle etablierten Protokollen für die Dachterrasse oder Aufzug rettet in Hochhäusern, oder sogar eine Strategie, um die Beeinträchtigung der Verletzten aus-und alle kostspielige Mängel auf 9 / 11.
But perhaps the best evidence of the Giuliani administration’s lack of readiness was that no one at its top levels had a top-secret security clearance on 9/11. Aber vielleicht der beste Beweis für die Verwaltung Giuliani's mangelnde Bereitschaft war, dass niemand auf seine Top-Niveau hatte eine top-geheime Sicherheitsüberprüfung über 9 / 11. Hauer, who had left the OEM in 2000 to become a top biochemical adviser at the US Department of Health and Human Services, was invited to Gracie Mansion within days of 9/11 for a strategy session with Giuliani and a half-dozen of his top advisers, including Police Commissioner Bernie Kerik, Tom Von Essen, and Richie Sheirer, who succeeded Hauer at the OEM. Hauer, weggegangen waren, die in der OEM-2000 zu einem Top-biochemische Berater der US-amerikanischen Department of Health and Human Services, wurde eingeladen, Gracie Mansion innerhalb weniger Tage von 9 / 11 für einen Strategie-Sitzung mit Giuliani und ein halbes Dutzend seiner top Berater, einschließlich der Polizei-Kommissar Bernie Kerik, Tom Von Essen und Richie Sheirer, Hauer, der die Nachfolge auf dem OEM. Hauer, who had the highest-level clearance, says that “no one else in the room had one at all.” He was told that the FBI “was trying to get them expedited clearances.” Hauer, hatte die höchste Clearance, sagt, dass "niemand in dem Zimmer war ein an alle." Er wurde gesagt, dass das FBI "wurde versucht, sie beschleunigte Spiel."
Hauer had previously taken Sheirer down to the White House to meet with top counterterrorism brass and learned on his way into the meeting that Sheirer hadn’t “filled out the questionnaire.” When Kerik’s nomination as homeland security secretary blew up in 2004, news accounts also indicated that he’d never filled it out. Hauer hatte zuvor Sheirer auf das Weiße Haus zu einem Treffen mit Top-Messing-und Terrorismusbekämpfung gelernt, auf seinem Weg in die Sitzung, dass Sheirer habe nicht "den Fragebogen ausgefüllt werden. 2004, News-Konten auch darauf hin, dass er hätte nie gedacht, füllte ihn aus. Von Essen was so out of the loop that he said that prior to 9/11, he was told “nothing at all,” and that he started hearing “talk of an organization called al Qaeda and a man named Osama bin Laden” a few hours after the attack. Von Essen war so aus der Schleife, dass er sagte, dass vor 9 / 11 war er gesagt "gar nichts", und dass er begann Anhörung "die Rede von einer Organisation namens al-Qaida und ein Mann namens Osama bin Laden" ein paar Stunden nach dem Anschlag. “It meant nothing to me,” he wrote in his own book. "Es bedeutet mir nichts", schrieb er in seinem eigenen Buch.
“I was reading the daily intelligence in Washington,” Hauer recalled, “and I didn’t feel comfortable talking about things that people weren’t cleared for. "Ich war das Lesen der Tageszeitung Intelligenz in Washington," Hauer daran erinnert, "und ich habe nicht das Gefühl, komfortable reden über Dinge, die Menschen wurden nicht gelöscht. Talking in general with Rudy one-on-one was one thing, but talking to Richie and Bernie and Tommy violated my security clearances.” Though Giuliani’s top team had failed to seek the clearances they needed prior to 9/11, Kerik and Giuliani attacked the FBI for not sharing information with local law enforcement officials when they testified a month after the attack at a House subcommittee hearing. Talking in der Regel mit Rudy one-on-one war eine Sache, aber im Gespräch mit Richie und Bernie und Tommy verletzt meine Sicherheit Spiel. "Obwohl Giuliani Top-Team hatte nicht zu sein, die sie benötigten Freigaben vor 9 / 11, und Kerik Giuliani griff das FBI nicht für den Austausch von Informationen mit den lokalen Strafverfolgungsbehörden, wenn sie bezeugten einen Monat nach dem Angriff auf ein Haus Anhörung des Unterausschusses.
BIG LIE BIG LIE
3. 3. Don’t blame me for 7 WTC, Rudy says. In response to his critics’ most damning sound bite, Giuliani is attempting to blame a once-valued aide for the decision to put his prized, $61 million emergency-command center in the World Trade Center, an obvious terrorist target. Keine Schuld für mich 7 WTC, sagt Rudy. In Antwort auf seine Kritiker "schädlichste Sound beißt, ist Giuliani Schuldzuweisungen einmal ein aide-Wert für die Entscheidung, seine wertvollen, $ 61 Mio. Notfall-Kommando-Zentrum in der Welt Trade Center, ein offensichtliches Ziel terroristischer. The 1997 decision had dire consequences on 9/11, when the city had to mobilize a response without any operational center. Die Entscheidung von 1997 hatte katastrophale Folgen auf 9 / 11, als er die Stadt zu mobilisieren, ohne eine Antwort operative Zentrum.
“My director of emergency management recommended 7 WTC” as “the site that would make the most sense,” Giuliani told Chris Wallace’s Fox News Channel show in May, pinpointing Jerry Hauer as the culprit. "Mein Direktor des Notfall-Management empfohlen WTC 7" als "die Website, die den meisten Sinn machen", sagte Giuliani Chris Wallace's Fox News Channel im Mai zeigen, Ermittlung von Jerry Hauer als Täter.
Wallace confronted Giuliani, however, with a 1996 Hauer memo recommending that the bunker be sited at MetroTech in Brooklyn, close to where the Bloomberg administration eventually built one. Wallace konfrontiert Giuliani, jedoch mit einer 1996 Hauer Memo empfiehlt, dass die Bunker befindet sich auf MetroTech in Brooklyn, in der Nähe, wo die Verwaltung Bloomberg schließlich gebaut. The mayor brushed the memo aside, continuing to insist that Hauer had picked it as “the prime site.” The campaign then put out statements from a former deputy mayor who said that Hauer had supported the trade-center location at a high-level meeting with the mayor in 1997. Der Bürgermeister gebürstetem Memo beiseite, weiterhin darauf bestehen, dass Hauer hatte es als "die Primzahlen." Die Kampagne dann Aussagen aus einem ehemaligen stellvertretenden Bürgermeister, der gesagt hatte, dass Hauer unterstützt die trade-center Standort zu einem Treffen auf hoher Ebene Mit dem Bürgermeister im Jahr 1997.
Hauer doesn’t dispute that he eventually backed the 7 WTC location, but he clearly favored MetroTech. Hauer bestreitet nicht, dass er letztendlich hinter den WTC 7 Lage, aber er klar favorisierte MetroTech. His memo said that MetroTech “could be available in six months,” while it took four and a half more years to get the bunker up and running at 7 WTC. Sein Memo gesagt, dass MetroTech "könnte in sechs Monaten", während es dauerte viereinhalb Jahre, um die Bunker und läuft auf 7 WTC. He said that MetroTech was secure and “not as visible a target as buildings in Lower Manhattan”— a prophetic comparison. Er sagte, dass MetroTech war sichere und "nicht sichtbar, da ein Ziel als Gebäude in Lower Manhattan" - eine prophetische Vergleich. Listing eight positives about MetroTech, the memo also mentioned negatives, but said they weren’t insurmountable. Listing acht Positives über MetroTech, das Memo auch erwähnt, Negative, sondern sagte, sie seien nicht unüberwindbar. “The real issue,” Hauer concluded, “is whether or not the mayor wants to go across the river to manage an incident. "Das eigentliche Problem," Hauer Schluss, "ist die Frage, ob der Bürgermeister oder nicht will, gehen über den Fluss zu verwalten, ein Zwischenfall ereignet. If he is willing to do this, MetroTech is a good alternative.” Notes from meetings indicate that Hauer continued to push MetroTech in the discussions with the mayor and his top deputy. Wenn er bereit ist, dies zu tun, MetroTech ist eine gute Alternative. "Notes from Treffen deuten darauf hin, dass Hauer weiterhin Push MetroTech in die Gespräche mit dem Bürgermeister und seinen Stellvertreter nach oben.
But Hauer says Denny Young, the mayor’s alter ego, who has worked at his side for nearly three decades, eventually “made it very clear” that Giuliani wanted “to be able to walk to this facility quickly.” That meant the bunker had to be in lower Manhattan. Aber Hauer, sagt Denny Junge, der Bürgermeister's alter ego, hat sich an seiner Seite für fast drei Jahrzehnte, schließlich "sehr deutlich gemacht," dass Giuliani wollte "zu können, zu Fuß zu dieser Einrichtung schnell." Das bedeutete, dass die Bunker Musste in Lower Manhattan. Since the City Hall area is below the floodplain, the command center—which was built with a hurricane-curtain wall—had to be above ground. Da die Stadt Halle ist unter der Auen, den Befehl-Center gebaut, die mit einer Hurrikan-Vorhang-Mauer musste above ground. The formal city document approving the site said that it “was selected due to its proximity to City Hall,” a standard set by Giuliani and Giuliani alone. Die formale Genehmigung der Stadt Website gesagt, dass es "ausgewählt wurde wegen seiner Nähe zur City Hall", ein Standard-Set von Giuliani Giuliani und allein.
The 7 WTC site was the brainchild of Bill Diamond, a prominent Manhattan Republican that Giuliani had installed at the city agency handling rentals. Die WTC 7 Seite war die Idee von Bill Diamond, ein prominenter Republikaner Manhattan, dass Giuliani hatte in der Stadt installiert Agentur Handhabung mieten. When Diamond held a similar post in the Reagan administration a few years earlier, his office had selected the same building to house nine federal agencies. Bei Diamond hatte eine ähnliche Posten in der Reagan-Administration ein paar Jahre zuvor hatte sein Büro im selben Gebäude ausgewählt zu Haus neun Bundesstellen. Diamond’s GOP-wired broker steered Hauer to the building, which was owned by a major Giuliani donor and fundraiser. Diamond's GOP-wired Broker gelenkten Hauer auf das Gebäude, das im Besitz einer großen Giuliani Spender und Fundraiser. When Hauer signed onto it, he was locked in by the limitations Giuliani had imposed on the search and the sites Diamond offered him. Wenn Hauer unterzeichnete er auf, er wurde gesperrt und von den Beschränkungen auferlegt hatte Giuliani auf die Suche und die Websites Diamond bot ihm. The mayor was so personally focused on the siting and construction of the bunker that the city administrator who oversaw it testified in a subsequent lawsuit that “very senior officials,” specifically including Giuliani, “were involved,” which he said was a major difference between this and other projects. Der Bürgermeister war so persönlich konzentrierte sich auf den Bau und den Bau des Bunkers, dass die Stadt Administrator, überwachte sie bezeugen in einer späteren Klage, dass "sehr hohen Beamten", speziell auch Giuliani, "beteiligt waren", sagte er war ein großer Unterschied zwischen Diese und andere Projekte. Giuliani’s office had a humidor for cigars and mementos from City Hall, including a fire horn, police hats and fire hats, as well as monogrammed towels in his bathroom. Giuliani Büro hatte einen Humidor für Zigarren und Erinnerungsstücke aus Rathaus, darunter ein Feuer Horn, Polizei und Feuerwehr Hüte Hüte, ebenso wie Handtücher mit Monogramm in seinem Badezimmer. His suite was bulletproofed and he visited it often, even on weekends, bringing his girlfriend Judi Nathan there long before the relationship surfaced. Seine Suite bulletproofed war und er besuchte sie oft, auch am Wochenende, um seine Freundin Judi Nathan, lange bevor es das Verhältnis der Oberfläche. He had his own elevator. Er hatte seine eigenen Aufzug. Great concern was expressed in writing that the platform in the press room had to be high enough to make sure his head was above the cameras. Große Besorgnis zum Ausdruck gebracht wurde schriftlich mit, dass die Plattform in der Presse Zimmer musste groß genug sein, um sicherzustellen, dass sein Kopf war vor die Kameras. It’s inconceivable that the hands-on mayor’s fantasy command center was shaped—or sited—by anyone other than him. Es ist unvorstellbar, dass die "hands-on" Bürgermeister Fantasie Kommandozentrale war geprägt-oder Standort-von einer anderen Person als ihn.
Of course, the consequences of putting the center there were predictable. Natürlich sind die Folgen der Umsetzung der Mitte gab es vorhersehbar. The terrorist who engineered the 1993 bombing told the FBI they were coming back to the trade center. Die Terroristen, die veränderte die Bombardierung 1993 sagte der FBI kamen sie zurück in die Mitte des Handels. Opposing the site at a meeting with the mayor, Police Commissioner Howard Safir called it “Ground Zero” because of the earlier attack. Gegenläufige die Website bei einem Treffen mit dem Bürgermeister, Polizei-Kommissar Howard Safir nannte es "Ground Zero", weil der früheren Angriff. Lou Anemone, the highest-ranking uniformed officer in the NYPD, wrote memos slamming the site. Lou Anemone, der höchstrangige Offizier der uniformierten NYPD, schrieb Memos zuschlagend der Website. “I’ve never seen in my life ‘walking distance’ as some kind of a standard for crisis management,” Anemone said later. "Ich habe noch nie in meinem Leben" zu Fuß "als eine Art Standard für die Bewältigung von Krisen," Anemone später sagte. “But you don’t want to confuse Giuliani with the facts.” Anemone had done a detailed vulnerability study of the city for Giuliani, pinpointing terrorist targets. "Aber Sie wollen nicht, dass Giuliani zu verwechseln mit den Tatsachen." Anemone getan hatte, eine detaillierte Studie über die Verwundbarkeit für die Stadt Giuliani, die genaue Lokalisierung terroristische Ziele. “In terms of targets, the WTC was number one,” he says. "In bezug auf die Ziele, das WTC war die Nummer eins", sagt er. “I guess you had to be there in 1993 to know how strongly we felt it was the wrong place.” "Ich vermute, man musste es im Jahre 1993 zu wissen, wie stark wir waren der Meinung, es war am falschen Platz."
Bizarrely, Giuliani even tried in the Wallace interview to deny that the early evacuation of the bunker left him searching for a new site, contrary to the account of that frantic morning he’s given hundreds of times, often for honoraria reaching six figures. Bizarr, Giuliani sogar versucht, in der Wallace-Interview zu leugnen, dass die frühen Evakuierung der Bunker links ihm die Suche nach einem neuen Standort, im Gegensatz zu dem das Konto der hektischen Morgen ist er da hunderte Male, die oft für Honorare sechs Zahlen. “The way you’re interpreting it,” he told Wallace, “it was as if that was the one fixed command center. "Die Art, wie sie zu interpretieren sind", hat er gesagt, Wallace, "es war, als ob das war das eine feste Kommando. It was not. Es war nicht der Fall. There were backup command centers.” To minimize the effect of the loss of the bunker, Giuliani said that, “within a half hour” of the shutdown of the bunker, “we were able to move immediately to another command center.” Es gab Befehl Backup-Center. "Um die Wirkung der Verlust der Bunker, Giuliani sagte, dass" in einer halben Stunde "der Abschaltung der Bunker," wir waren in der Lage, um sofort zu einem anderen Befehl. "
In fact, as Giuliani himself has told the dramatic tale, he and his entourage were briefly trapped in a Merrill Lynch office, “jimmied the lock” of a firehouse, and took over a deluxe hotel until they realized it was “sheathed in windows.” They considered going to City Hall, but learned it was covered in debris. In der Tat, wie Giuliani selbst hat gesagt, die dramatische Geschichte, die er und sein Gefolge waren kurz gefangen in einem Büro Merrill Lynch, "jimmied die Sperre" einer Feuerwehr, und übernahm ein Deluxe-Hotel, bis sie realisierten, dass sie das "ummantelte und Fenstern. "Sie wollen als Stadt Halle, aber gelernt, sie in Schutt bedeckt war. The only backup center that existed was the small one at police headquarters that had been put out of business when the WTC bunker opened; but Giuliani said its phones weren’t working. Die einzige Backup-Center bestanden wurde, dass die kleinen auf ein Polizei-Hauptquartier gebracht worden war, dass aus dem Geschäft, wenn das WTC Bunker geöffnet, aber Giuliani sagte seine Telefone wurden nicht funktioniert. “We’re going to have to find someplace,” Giuliani said, according to his Time account, which described it as a “long and harrowing” search. "Wir haben irgendwo zu finden", sagte Giuliani, nach seiner Zeit, die sie beschrieben als eine "lange und erschütternde" suchen. “Our government no longer had a place to work,” he wrote in Leadership . "Unsere Regierung war nicht mehr ein Ort zu arbeiten", schrieb er in der Leitung.
They wound up at the police academy uptown and, according to the account Giuliani and company gave Time , “we are up and operating by 4 pm”—seven hours, not a half-hour, after the attack. Die Wunde an der Polizei-Akademie Uptown und nach auf das Konto Giuliani und Unternehmen gab Time, "wir sind und die nach 4 Uhr" sieben Stunden, und nicht eine halbe Stunde nach dem Angriff. But Giuliani told the 9/11 Commission that they quickly decided the academy “was too small” and “were able to establish a command center” at Pier 92 “within three days,” virtually building it from scratch. Aber Giuliani gesagt, die 9 / 11 Kommission, dass sie schnell beschlossen die Akademie "war zu klein" und "waren in der Lage, einen Kommando-Center" am Pier 92 "innerhalb von drei Tagen," es praktisch Gebäude von Grund auf neu. Hauer said he’d asked for a backup command center years before 9/11, “but they told me there was no money for it.” After Hauer left, and shortly before 9/11, the city announced plans to build a backup center near police headquarters—a site quickly jettisoned by the Bloomberg administration. Hauer sagte, er würde gebeten, für ein Backup-Center Jahre vor 9 / 11 ", aber sie sagte mir, es sei kein Geld dafür." Hauer Nach links, und kurz vor 9 / 11, die Stadt angekündigt, Pläne für den Bau einer Backup-Center Polizei-Hauptquartier in der Nähe einer Website schnell über Bord geworfen, indem die Verwaltung Bloomberg. Police officials told reporters that they were looking for space outside Manhattan and underground, citing the lessons of 9/11. Polizei-Beamten sagte Reportern, dass sie waren auf der Suche nach Raum außerhalb Manhattan und U-Bahn, zitiert die Lehren aus 9 / 11.
BIG LIE BIG LIE
4. 4. ‘Democrats do not understand the full nature and scope of the terrorist war against us.’ Giuliani blames what he calls Bill Clinton’s “decade of denial” for the mess we’re in, and uses it to tarnish the rest of Clinton’s party. "Demokraten nicht verstehen, die volle Natur und den Umfang der terroristischen Krieg gegen uns." Giuliani macht, was er ruft Bill Clinton's "Jahrzehnt der Verweigerung" für die wir in Unordnung, und benutzt sie, um den Rest des trüben Clinton " S Partei. “Don’t react, kind of let things go, kind of act the way Clinton did in the ’90s” is his favorite way of characterizing the Democratic response to the threat of terrorism. "Nicht reagieren, solche Dinge gehen, Art handeln, wie Clinton hat in den 90er Jahren" ist seine bevorzugten Art der Charakterisierung der Demokratischen Reaktion auf die Bedrohung durch den Terrorismus. “We were attacked at Khobar Towers, Kenya, Tanzania, 17 of our sailors were killed on the USS Cole , and the United States government, under then-president Clinton, did not respond,” Giuliani told the rabidly anti-Clinton audience at Pat Robertson’s Regent University. "Wir wurden angegriffen am Khobar Towers, Kenia, Tansania, 17 unserer Segler getötet wurden auf die USS Cole, und die Regierung der Vereinigten Staaten, dann unter-Präsident Clinton, nicht reagieren", sagte Giuliani die wütende Anti-Clinton Publikum an Pat Robertson's Regent University. “It was a big mistake to not recognize that the 1993 bombing was a terrorist act and an act of war,” he added. "Es war ein großer Fehler, nicht erkennen, dass die Bombardierung 1993 war ein terroristischer Akt und ein Akt des Krieges", fügte er hinzu. “Bin Laden declared war on us. "Bin Laden uns den Krieg erklärt. We didn’t hear it. Wir haben nicht hören. I thought it was pretty clear at the time, but a lot of people didn’t see it, couldn’t see it.” Ich dachte, es war ziemlich klar, in der Zeit, aber viele Leute sehen es nicht, konnte es nicht sehen. "
This is naked revisionism—and not just because of his own well established, head-in-the-sand indifference to the 1993 bombing. Dies ist nackt Revisionismus-und das nicht nur wegen seiner eigenen gut etabliert, Kopf-in-den-Sand Gleichgültigkeit gegenüber der Bombardierung 1993. It’s as unambiguously partisan as his claim that on 9/11, he looked to the sky, saw the first fighter jets flying over the city well after the attack, and thanked God that George W. Bush was president. Es ist, als eindeutig parteiisch wie seine Behauptung, dass auf 9 / 11, er schaute in den Himmel, sah die ersten Kampfjets fliegen über die Stadt auch nach dem Angriff, und dankte Gott, dass George W. Bush Präsident wurde. Bob Kerrey, the former Democratic senator who sat on the 9/11 Commission, put it fairly: “Prior to 9/11, no elected official did enough to reduce the threat of Al Qaeda. Bob Kerrey, der ehemalige demokratische Senator, saß auf der 9 / 11 Kommission, die es recht: "Vor 9 / 11, keine offizielle gewählt haben genug, um die Bedrohung durch Al Qaida. Neither political party covered itself in glory.” Weder politische Partei gedeckt selbst in Herrlichkeit. "
Giuliani’s lifelong friend Louis Freeh, the former FBI head who has endorsed him for president, wrote in his 2005 autobiography that “the nation’s fundamental approach to Osama bin Laden and his ilk was no different after the inauguration of January 21, 2001, than it had been before.” As Bob Kerrey noted, the five Democrats and five Republicans on the 9/11 Commission said much the same thing. Giuliani’s lifelong friend Louis Freeh, the former FBI head who has endorsed him for president, wrote in his 2005 autobiography that “the nation’s fundamental approach to Osama bin Laden and his ilk was no different after the inauguration of January 21, 2001 , than it had been before.” As Bob Kerrey noted, the five Democrats and five Republicans on the 9/11 Commission said much the same thing. Freeh added that both administrations “were fighting criminals, not an enemy force” before 9/11, and Giuliani is now making precisely the same policy point, but limiting his critique to Clinton. Even the fiercely anti-Clinton Freeh credited the former president with “one exception,” saying his administration did go after bin Laden “with a salvo of Tomahawk missiles in 1998 in retaliation for the embassy bombings in East Africa.”
The best example of Giuliani’s partisan twist is the USS Cole , which was attacked on October 12, 2000, three weeks before the 2000 election. The 9/11 Commission report found that in the final Clinton months, neither the FBI, then headed by Freeh, nor the CIA had a “definitive answer on the crucial question of outside direction of the attack,” which Clinton said he needed to go to war against bin Laden or the Taliban. The 9/11 Commission report found that in the final Clinton months, neither the FBI, then headed by Freeh, nor the CIA had a “definitive answer on the crucial question of outside direction of the attack,” which Clinton said he needed to go to war against bin Laden or the Taliban. All Clinton got was a December 21 “preliminary judgment” from the CIA that Al Qaeda “supported the attack.” A month later, when the Bush team took office, the CIA delivered the same “preliminary” findings to the new president. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice told the commission “there was never a formal, recorded decision not to retaliate for the Cole ” by the Bush administration, just “a consensus that ‘tit-for-tat’ responses were likely to be counterproductive.” Rice thought that was the case “with the cruise missile strikes of 1998,” meaning that the new administration was deriding the one response that Freeh praised. Bush himself told the commission that he was concerned “lest an ineffective air strike just serve to give bin Laden a propaganda advantage.” With all of this evidence of bipartisan paralysis, Giuliani has nonetheless limited his Cole attack to Clinton.
It is all part of a devoutly partisan exploitation of his 9/11 legend. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. Though Giuliani volunteered to execute bin Laden himself after 9/11, he’s never criticized Bush for the administration’s failure to capture him or the other two top culprits in the attack, Mullah Omar and Ayman al-Zawahiri, a silence more revealing than anything he actually says about terrorism. The old evidence that Bush relied on Afghan proxies to capture bin Laden at Tora Bora, and the new evidence that he outsourced him to Pakistani proxies in Waziristan, evokes no Giuliani bark. Imagine if a Democratic president had done that—or had said, as Bush did, that “I just don’t spend that much time” on bin Laden.
At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. At the Republican National Convention in 2004, Giuliani began his celebrated speech by fusing 9/11 and the Iraq War as only he could do, reminding everyone of Bush’s bullhorn declaration at Ground Zero that the people who brought down these towers “will hear from us,” and declaring that they “heard from us in Iraq”—a far more invidious connection on this question than Dick Cheney has ever made. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. Giuliani even went so far, in his 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission, to claim that if he’d been told about the presidential daily briefing headlined “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in the US,” which mentioned New York three times, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently.” Pressed about whether the city would have benefited from knowing about a spike in warnings so vivid that the CIA director’s “hair was on fire,” Giuliani just shrugged. He’d seen many close friends buried after 9/11, but his answer had more to do with the November election than the September attack that took their lives.
“They don’t see the threat,” he derides the Democrats wherever he goes, ridiculing even their adjectives. “During the Democratic debates, I couldn’t find one of them that ever mentioned the words ‘Islamic terrorist’—none of them,” he contends. “If you can’t say the words ‘Islamic terrorists,’ then you have a hard time figuring out who is our biggest enemy in the world.”
In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. In fact, during the three Democratic debates, the candidates referred to “terrorism,” “terrorists,” or “terror” 24 times—only the modifier was missing, though John Edwards did warn in June that “radical Islam” could take over in Pakistan. By focusing on “radical Islam” as opposed to “Islamic terrorism,” the Democrats may actually be avoiding any suggestion that America is engaged in a war against Islam—and even Giuliani would concede that Osama bin Laden is a perversion of Islam. Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission: He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one? Indeed, though Giuliani is claiming that he’s been “studying” Islamic terrorism since 1975, a search of Giuliani news stories and databases reveals that the first time he was cited using the term was in his May 2004 testimony before the 9/11 Commission : He made a passing reference to the sarin-gas drill and said it simulated an “Islamic terrorist attack.” If the use of this term is a measure of a leader’s understanding of the threat, what does it say about Giuliani’s own decade of denial that he never used it in the ’90s, when he was the mayor of the only American city to have experienced one?
BIG LIE
5. 5. ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some. ‘Every effort was made by Mayor Giuliani and his staff to ensure the safety of all workers at Ground Zero.’ So read a Giuliani campaign statement in June, responding to a chorus of questions about the mayor’s responsibility for the respiratory plague that threatens the health of tens of thousands of workers at the World Trade Center site, apparently already having killed some.
The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The statement pointed a finger at then-EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, issuing a list of the many times that “Whitman assured New Yorkers the air was safe.” Instead of also detailing the many times Giuliani echoed Whitman—for example, “the air is safe and acceptable,” he said on September 28—the campaign cited several Fire Department “briefings” about “incident action plans” for the use of respirators, suggesting that the city had tried to get responders to protect themselves from the toxins at Ground Zero. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. The press release did not make a case that any of these “plans” had ever resulted in any real “action”; nor did it dispute the fact that as late as the end of October, only 29 percent of the workers at the site were wearing respirators. Of course, the workers might have noticed that the photo-op mayor never put one on himself. Instead, the other 9/11 visual we all remember is Giuliani leading at Ground Zero by macho example: The most in the way of protective gear he was ever seen wearing was a dust mask on his mouth.
When the cleanup effort was widely hailed as under-budget and ahead of schedule, there was no doubt about who was in charge. “By Day 4,” the New York Times reported in a salute to the “Quick Job” at Ground Zero, “Mr. Giuliani, the Department of Design and Construction (DDC), the Office of Emergency Management, contractors and union officials decided it was time to bring order to the chaos.” Giuliani controlled access to the site as if it were his backyard. Yet, when the scope of the health disaster was clear on the fifth anniversary in 2006, he told ABC: “Everybody’s responsible.” Throwing federal, state, and city agencies into the mix, he diffused the blame. On the Today show the same morning, however, he was more accusatory: “EPA put out statements very, very prominent that you have on tape, that the air was safe, and kept repeating that and kept repeating that.”
The city had its own test results, of course, and when 17 of 87 outdoor tests showed hazardous levels of asbestos up to seven blocks away, they decided not to make the results public. An EPA chief, Bruce Sprague, sent an October 5 letter to the city complaining about “very inconsistent compliance” with respiratory protection. Sprague, who wrote the letter only after unsuccessful conversations with Giuliani aides, likened the indifference in a subsequent court deposition to sticking one’s head “over a barbecue grill for hours” and expecting no consequences. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35,000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored. An internal legal memo to a deputy mayor estimated early in the cleanup that there could be 35000 potential plaintiffs against the city, partly because rescue workers were “provided with faulty or no equipment (ie respirators).” Bechtel, the major construction firm retained by the city as its health and safety consultant, urged it to cut the exit-entry points from 20 to two so they could enforce the use of respirators and other precautions, just as was done at the Pentagon, but the recommendation was ignored.
A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9/11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders. A Times editorial concluded in May that the Giuliani administration “failed in its duty to protect the workers at Ground Zero,” faulting its “emphasis on a speedy cleanup” and its unwillingness “to insist that all emergency personnel and construction workers wear respirators.” John Odermatt, a former OEM director working at the campaign, couldn’t tell the Times whether Giuliani had lobbied Congress on behalf of sick workers, nor could anyone at the campaign offer any evidence that Giuliani had ever, while earning millions at his new 9 /11 consulting business in recent years, tried to secure federal funds for responders.
Should the current presidential frontrunners square off in 2008, Giuliani’s culpability and subsequent indifference at Ground Zero will, no doubt, be sharply contrasted to Hillary Clinton’s singular role in funding the Mount Sinai programs that have been aiding rescue workers for years. And the public price tag for the mismanagement at the pile (as the site was known among recovery and rescue workers) will run into the billions. Ken Feinberg, who ran the federally funded Victims Compensation Board, has already paid out $1 billion to the injured, concluding after individual hearings that hundreds “were diagnosed with demonstrable and documented respiratory injuries directly related to their rescue service.” Anthony DePalma, whose extraordinary Times stories have lifted the lid on Giuliani’s role, recently reported that the health-care costs for rescue workers could soar to as much as $712 million a year. And the city is administering a billion-dollar liability fund to satisfy the thousands of lawsuits.
Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Giuliani’s fellow Republican and former EPA chief Christine Todd Whitman did tell WNBC a couple of months ago that there were “telephone calls, telephone meetings, and meetings in person with the city” every day, with the EPA repeating “the message” and emphasizing the “necessity of wearing the respirators.” Whitman said she “would call my people at midnight after watching the 11 o’clock news and say, ‘I’m still seeing them without the respirators.’ ” The EPA, she said, “was very frustrated.” She also said “the better thing would’ve been to put out the fire sooner,” certainly a function of the city’s Fire Department, adding that it had “burned until January”—a continuous flame held to a smoking, toxic brew. Asked about the mayor himself, Whitman sputtered: “He was clearly in control and doing a good job. Everyone was applauding what was going on. EPA, we had some disagreements with things that were occurring on the pile, like not having people wear respirators—we wanted more emphasis on that. But overall, you know, it’s hard. Those are emotional times.”
The firefighters’ union pointed out that the respiratory debacle was, like the malfunctioning radios and so many other things, another symbol of the city’s failure to prepare for a major terrorist event. Fire Department memos after the 1993 bombing had urged better protective gear, just as they’d screamed for better radios. The UFA’s leaders pointed out that the department had “ignored many issues related to respiratory protection” for years. The union’s health-and-safety officer, Phil McArdle, likened the long-term effects of working at Ground Zero to Agent Orange in Vietnam. “We’ve done a good job of taking care of the dead,” he said, referring to the hunt for remains, “but such a terrible job of taking care of the living.”
Wayne Barrett is the co-author, with Dan Collins, of Grand Illusion: The Untold Story of Rudy Giuliani and 9/11 , which was just published in paperback by HarperCollins. USA USA Section has more related reports Abschnitt hat mehr entsprechenden Berichte Help keep RINF going.. Hilfe RINF laufenden zu halten ..
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